Walled Cities “from the Time of Joshua” Celebrate Shushan Purim – Why?

Hidden behind the strange rabbinic definition of walled cities is a polemical response to the notorious claim of Emperor Hadrian, who rebuilt Jerusalem as the pagan city Aelia Capitolina.

APA Style

Click to copy

"Walled Cities “from the Time of Joshua” Celebrate Shushan Purim – Why?" (n.d.). TheTorah.com. Retrieved October 30, 2026, from https://www.thetorah.com/article/walled-cities-from-the-time-of-joshua-celebrate-shushan-purim-why

SBL Style

Click to copy

"Walled Cities “from the Time of Joshua” Celebrate Shushan Purim – Why?." TheTorah.com. Accessed October 30, 2026. https://www.thetorah.com/article/walled-cities-from-the-time-of-joshua-celebrate-shushan-purim-why.

Walled Cities “from the Time of Joshua” Celebrate Shushan Purim – Why?

Scroll of Esther, 19th century. Jewish Historical Museum

The Two Days of Purim

Explaining the origins of the Purim festival, Esther chapter 9 describes how the Jews throughout Persia defeated their enemies on the 13th of Adar and celebrated on the 14th (v. 17). We are also told that in Shushan itself (generally identified with Susa), the war continued on the 14th and that the Jews there celebrated on the 15th (v. 18).

The next verse states:

אסתר ט:יט עַל כֵּן הַיְּהוּדִים (הפרוזים) [הַפְּרָזִים] הַיֹּשְׁבִים בְּעָרֵי הַפְּרָזוֹת עֹשִׂים אֵת יוֹם אַרְבָּעָה עָשָׂר לְחֹדֶשׁ אֲדָר שִׂמְחָה וּמִשְׁתֶּה וְיוֹם טוֹב וּמִשְׁלוֹחַ מָנוֹת אִישׁ לְרֵעֵהוּ.
Esth 9:19 That is why village Jews, who live in unwalled towns, observe the fourteenth day of the month of Adar and make it a day of merrymaking and feasting, and as a holiday and an occasion for sending gifts to one another.[1]

This verse suggests that Purim is celebrated on the 14th in Jewish villages and towns. However, in the next verse (v. 20), Mordechai writes a letter to all the Jews in Persia,

אסתר ט:כא לְקַיֵּם עֲלֵיהֶם לִהְיוֹת עֹשִׂים אֵת יוֹם אַרְבָּעָה עָשָׂר לְחֹדֶשׁ אֲדָר וְאֵת יוֹם חֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר בּוֹ בְּכָל שָׁנָה וְשָׁנָה. ט:כב כַּיָּמִים אֲשֶׁר נָחוּ בָהֶם הַיְּהוּדִים מֵאוֹיְבֵיהֶם וְהַחֹדֶשׁ אֲשֶׁר נֶהְפַּךְ לָהֶם מִיָּגוֹן לְשִׂמְחָה וּמֵאֵבֶל לְיוֹם טוֹב לַעֲשׂוֹת אוֹתָם יְמֵי מִשְׁתֶּה וְשִׂמְחָה וּמִשְׁלוֹחַ מָנוֹת אִישׁ לְרֵעֵהוּ וּמַתָּנוֹת לָאֶבְיוֹנִים.
Esth 9:21 charging them to observe the fourteenth and fifteenth days of Adar, every year, 9:22 the same days on which the Jews enjoyed relief from their foes and the same month which had been transformed for them from one of grief and mourning to one of festive joy. They were to observe them as days of feasting and merrymaking, and as an occasion for sending gifts to one another and presents to the poor.

The Jews then accept Mordechai’s request (v. 23),[2] a claim that is in tension with v. 19, which says that village Jews celebrate (present tense!) Purim on the 14th. Putting aside the question of how to interpret the biblical text from a critical perspective, a number of basic interpretations have emerged among the Jews:

Karaites: Two-Day Purim—The Karaites follow Mordechai’s enactment and celebrate Purim as a two-day holiday.[3]

LXX: Villages 1 Day, Cities 2 Days—The LXX’s text for v. 19, which is longer than MT,[4] explains that while village Jews celebrate on the 14th, city Jews celebrate a two-day Purim on the 14th and 15th:

Therefore, for this reason, the Judeans who are scattered in every land outside celebrate the fourteenth day of Adar as a holiday with gladness, each sending portions to those nearby. But those living in the large cities also celebrate the fifteenth of Adar as a joyful holiday, sending portions to those nearby.[5]

Rabbinic: Village Jews 14th, City Jews 15th —In rabbinic interpretation, Purim is always a one-day holiday; villages or small towns celebrate on the 14th, whereas walled cities should celebrate on the 15th, which the rabbis call Shushan (Susa) Purim because, as noted above, the Jews of Shushan celebrated on this day.

Walled Cities from the Time of Joshua

Following the reference to פרזים (villages/unwalled towns) in verse 19, the rabbis understand that the distinction between city and village is based on whether the place is walled or not. Intuitively, it would make sense for every generation to determine whether the city in which they live is now walled, and thus fulfills this criterion. Nevertheless, the Tosefta (Megillah 1:1)[6] records two opinions that tie the distinction to a particular historical period:

כרכים המוקפין חומה מימות יהושע בן נון קורין בחמשה עשר
Cities surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua son of Nun read [the Scroll of Esther] on the fifteenth.
ר' יהושע בן קרח' אומ' מימות אחשורוש
Joshua b. Qorha says, "[If they were surrounded by a wall] from the time of Ahasueros [they read the Scroll of Esther on the fifteenth of Adar].” (Neusner trans., with minor adjustments)[7]

Both opinions ignore the question of whether cities are walled in contemporary times. In fact, the rabbis note that whether or not a given city actually has a wall is irrelevant (b. Meg 3b):

רבי אליעזר בר יוסי אומר: אשר לוא חומה - אף על פי שאין לו עכשיו, והיה לו קודם לכן.
Eleazar son of R. Yose says: “Which has a wall” (Lev 25:30): even though it has no wall now, provided it had one previously.[8]

If halakha (Jewish law) defines whether a city is walled or not based on history, R. Joshua ben Qorha’s position seems the logical choice, since the distinction between cities and villages is modeled on the experience of Jews in Shushan versus that of other Jews during the war. Nevertheless, only the first opinion, connecting the law to the time of Joshua, is cited authoritatively in the Mishnah (Megillah 1:1) and is canonized in later rabbinic tradition.[9] But what does Joshua have to do with the realities of battle in Shushan in the time of Ahasuerus?

Respect for Israel (Yerushalmi)

One explanation, found in the Jerusalem Talmud (y Meg, Ms. Leiden 1.1; 70a), is that the decision that the time of Joshua is determinative was a way of honoring Israel:

רבי סימון בשם רבי יהושע בן לוי חלקו כבוד לארץ ישראל שהיתה חריבה באותן הימים ותלו אותה מימות יהושע בן נון
Simeon in the name of R. Joshua ben Levi: “They paid respect to the Land of Israel, which lay in ruins in those days. [Therefore, they] associated it [the law] with the time of Joshua son of Nun.” (Neusner trans., slightly revised)

In other words, no real connection exists between Joshua and Shushan Purim. Tradition simply wished to make Israelite cities and their history primary rather than Persian cities and theirs.

Gezeirah Shava (Bavli)

The Babylonian Talmud’s explanation for connecting the laws of Shushan Purim to the time of Joshua is based on a gezeirah shavah, a word analogy (b. Meg. 2b):

יליף פרזי פרזי, כתיב הכא על כן היהודים הפרזים, וכתיב התם לבד מערי הפרזי הרבה מאד, מה להלן מוקפת חומה מימות יהושע בן נון - אף כאן מוקפת חומה מימות יהושע בן נון.
[The author of the Mishnah] is drawing an analogy between [the words] פרזי (perazi) and פרזי (perazi). Here it says (Esth 9:19): “therefore the Jews of the perazim [villages/unwalled cities],” and there [in reference to Moses’ conquest of the Bashan] it says (Deut 3:5), “in addition to the very many perazi [unwalled] cities.” Just as over there it refers to [the distinction between] cities walled [and unwalled] from the time of Joshua son of Nun, so too here it refers to [the distinction between] cities walled [and unwalled] from the time of Joshua son of Nun.[10]

Both of these talmudic sources underscore the problematic nature of the connection drawn by the rabbis between walls dating from Joshua son of Nun’s day and the rules of celebrating Purim and reading the scroll of Esther.

Redeeming a Dwelling House in a Walled City

Another set of laws is connected to the question of whether a given city was walled in the time of Joshua or not. These are found in Leviticus 25, which deals with what happens when an Israelite sells his ancestral land because of debt. As one of the protective provisions, we are told that an Israelite has the right to redeem the property that he sold under duress, but this right is limited when the property is found in a city.

ויקרא כה:כט וְאִישׁ כִּי יִמְכֹּר בֵּית מוֹשַׁב עִיר חוֹמָה וְהָיְתָה גְּאֻלָּתוֹ עַד תֹּם שְׁנַת מִמְכָּרוֹ יָמִים תִּהְיֶה גְאֻלָּתוֹ. כה:ל וְאִם לֹא יִגָּאֵל עַד מְלֹאת לוֹ שָׁנָה תְמִימָה וְקָם הַבַּיִת אֲשֶׁר בָּעִיר אֲשֶׁר (לא) [לוֹ] חֹמָה לַצְּמִיתֻת לַקֹּנֶה אֹתוֹ לְדֹרֹתָיו לֹא יֵצֵא בַּיֹּבֵל.
Lev 25:29 If a man sells a dwelling house (in) a walled city, it may be redeemed until the end of a year of its sale; its redemption period shall be a year. 25:30 If it is not redeemed before the completion of one full year, the house in the walled city shall belong to its purchaser beyond reclaim throughout the ages; it shall not be released in the jubilee. (AB trans.)[11]

The law refers to houses in cities that are walled at the time of the sale and the redemption. Nevertheless, here as well the rabbis introduce the same unusual provision that the city was walled at the time of Joshua (m. Arakhin 9:6 [=Sifra Behar 4]):

ואלו הן בתי ערי חומה? שלש חצרות של שני שני בתים מוקפות חומה מימות יהושע בן נון...
“And what is the definition of a walled city?” It is a city in which are not less than three courtyards, each with two houses, surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua son of Nun…. (Neusner trans., 3.323, slightly revised)[12]

Here again, the rabbis connect the halakha to ancient as opposed to contemporary times. In some ways, this case is even more problematic, since the law would seem to be based on economic realities of contemporaneous city versus country life. Why do the rabbis insist on using the time of Joshua as the determining factor? I suggest that in both the case of the date of Purim and of selling dwellings, the rabbis are responding to Emperor Hadrian’s attempt to redefine a number of ancient Jewish cities, including and especially Jerusalem, as Roman.[13]

Hadrian Establishes Aelia Capitolina

Emperor Hadrian (117–138 C.E.) was a great builder and renovator of cities throughout the Roman Empire.[14] Among the cities that he rebuilt was Jerusalem, which he renamed Aelia Capitolina. “Aelia” was Hadrian’s family name, and Capitolina referred to the Capitoline Triad: Jupiter, the head of the Roman pantheon, his wife and sister Juno, and his daughter Minerva. The name expressed that the new city was founded by Hadrian in honor of the deity Jupiter.

The Roman Historian Cassius Dio (ca. 155–235 C.E.) wrote that the establishment of this city was the cause of the Bar-Kokhba rebellion (Roman History, 69:12.1–2; LCL trans.):

At Jerusalem, Hadrian founded a city in place of the one which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the temple of the [Jewish] god, he raised a new temple to Jupiter. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration, for the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled in their city and foreign religious rites planted there.[15]

In fact, the many archaeological excavations carried out west and south of the Temple Mount Archaeology confirm that the plowing and renewal of the city took place early in Hadrian’s reign, before the Bar-Kochba rebellion.

The Rhetoric of Hadrian’s Coin

The coins that Hadrian minted also highlight his building project in Jerusalem.

A coin struck to commemorate the founding of Aelia Capitolina by Hadrian. The inscription reads: COL[ONIA] AEL[IA] KAPIT[OLINA], in exergue: COND[ITA], which translates as “The Foundation of Colonia Aelia Capitolina.”[16]

One side of the coin depicts Hadrian while the other side shows a person plowing with a bull and cow to mark the boundaries of the new colony.[17]

The Roman Pomerium and the Ritual of Plowing

According to Roman legend, the plowing and boundary-setting ritual was part of the establishment of the city of Rome in the eighth century B.C.E. and was carried out by Romulus himself, after killing his brother Remus. As the Greek historian Plutarch (46–ca. 120 C.E.) wrote in his Life of Romulus (11.1-4):

And the founder put a bronze blade on his plough, yoked up a bull and a cow, and himself drove them on, drawing a deep furrow around the boundary – while his followers had the task of pushing back inside the city all the clods of earth that the plough turned up and not letting a single one lie outside. It was with this line that they marked out the course of the wall, and it was called the pomerium, a contracted form of 'post murum', 'behind' or next to the wall. And where they intended to put in a gate, they took the ploughshare out of the ground, lifted the plough over the left space.

The plowing of a pomerium for establishing cities was not limited to Rome but was used throughout the Roman provinces. Thus, the ritual that Hadrian carried out was meant to express that just as Romulus was the one who established Rome, Hadrian was the one to establish Aelia Capitolina.

Hadrian’s Plowing of Jerusalem

The rabbis were well aware of Hadrian’s act—some of Hadrian’s coins remained intact well into the rabbinic period and are mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud (Bekhorot 50a). The Mishnah even lists Hadrian’s act as one of the catastrophes that happened to the Jews on the ninth of the month of Av (m. Taanit 4:6):

בתשעה באב נגזר על אבותינו שלא יכנסו לארץ וחרב הבית בראשונה ובשניה ונלכדה ביתר ונחרשה העיר
On the ninth of Av (1) the decree was made against our forefathers that they should not enter the land, (2) the first Temple and (3) the second [Temple] were destroyed, (4) Betar was taken, and (5) the city [Jerusalem] was ploughed. (Neusner trans., slightly revised)

I suggest that the concept of “cities that were walled from the time of Joshua son of Nun” can be seen as their adaptation of the Roman notion of a “founding father,” a strategy that represents adaptation by the governed of the system and terminology of the ruler for the purpose of contesting its actions.[18] As the Harvard University sociologist Homi K. Bhabha has noted, it is not uncommon for conquered peoples to adopt the symbols and terminology of the conqueror, in order to preserve its own identity while coming to terms with the presence and symbolic language of its rulers.[19]

Joshua as a Foil to Hadrian

Whereas for the Romans, the establishment of the pomerium marked their status as the founders of the new colony, the rabbis were aware that the Jewish entitlement to the cities in the land of Israel was vested not in their status as founders, but in the divine promise to the patriarchs, fulfilled with Joshua’s conquest of the cities in Canaan. This makes Joshua an ideal figure for them to utilize.

Joshua did not establish Jerusalem, rather, according to Joshua 10:1–27, 12:10, he defeated the king of Canaanite Jerusalem, and ostensibly reestablished the city as Israelite.[20] As the conqueror of Jerusalem, who established it as Israelite, Joshua becomes a polemical mirror-image of what Hadrian claimed on his coin.

Romulus and Jeroboam

The rabbis were acquainted with the foundation myth of Rome; this is clear, e.g., from tannaitic traditions such as Sifre Deut. (MS British Museum Add. 16406, piska 52):

ביום שנתחתן שלמה לבת פרעה ירד גבריאל נעץ קנה בים ועלה שם נעצוץ ועליו כרך גדול של רומא. ביום שהעמיד ירבעם שני עגלים עמד רומיס ורומולוס ובנו שם ציפורין.
The day Solomon intermarried with the daughter of Pharaoh, Gabriel came down and stuck a reed into the sea and there came up a na’atsuts (thorn) and on it the great city of Rome. The day Jerobeam [sic] erected two calves there stood up (sgl.) RWMYS and RWMYLWS and they built there tsiporin (huts) in Rome.

This midrash combines the establishment of Rome with Jeroboam’s rebellion against Jerusalem, which likely is meant to hint at the tension between the success of Rome (represented by Jeroboam) and the continuance of Jerusalem as a Jewish city (represented by Solomon). As I argue above, this is not only because of Rome’s having destroyed Jerusalem in 70 C.E., but because of Hadrian’s rededication of the city as Roman and founded by him.

Asserting Jerusalem and Israel’s Eternal Jewishness

The image of Joshua as the Jewish Romulus was designed to counteract Hadrian’s claim that the city was not Roman, having been plowed and rebuilt, and to reestablish in perpetuity the Jewish claim on Jerusalem and other ancient cities in Israel. As a result of this ideological move, the concept of cities from the time of Joshua entered the halakhic discourse, causing the rabbis to reimagine both the law of redeeming houses and the law of Shushan Purim, linking them inextricably to Israel’s ancient history and the conquest of the land under Joshua.

Addendum

The List of Cities Established by Joshua

Mishnah Arakhin 9:6 [=Sifra Behar 4] lists cities established by Joshua:

ואלו הן בתי ערי חומה? שלש חצרות של שני שני בתים מוקפות חומה מימות יהושע בן נון כגון קצרה הישנה של ציפורים וחקרה של גוש חלב ויודפת הישנה וגמלא וגדוד וחדיד ואונו וירושלים וכן כיוצא בהן:
“And what is the definition of a walled city?” It is a city in which are not less than three courtyards, each with two houses, surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua son of Nun. Such as the old castle of Sepphoris, the fortress of Gush Halab, old Yodpat, and Gamala [in the Golan], Gadara [in Transjordan], Hadid, Ono, and Jerusalem [in Judea]. (Neusner trans., 3.323, slightly revised)[21]

This is a strange list. Of all the cities noted in this source, only Jerusalem is mentioned in the book of Joshua.[22] Most likely, the rabbis are responding to Hadrian’s reappropriation of Jerusalem and other Jewish cities. It was in their interest to argue that these Jewish cities in the land—even those not mentioned in the Bible—were not Roman at all, regardless of what Hadrian said or did. Instead, these cities go all the way back to the time of Joshua son of Nun, the first Israelite conqueror, and their status as Jewish cannot be reversed by any Roman ritual.

View Footnotes

Published 2020-03-04

  1. See discussion in Adele Berlin, Esther אסתר (JPS Bible Commentary; Philadelphia, 2001), 87-88.

  2. The point is reiterated later in the chapter:

    אסתר ט:כז קִיְּמוּ (וקבל) [וְקִבְּלוּ] הַיְּהוּדִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְעַל זַרְעָם וְעַל כָּל הַנִּלְוִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְלֹא יַעֲבוֹר לִהְיוֹת עֹשִׂים אֵת שְׁנֵי הַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה כִּכְתָבָם וְכִזְמַנָּם בְּכָל שָׁנָה וְשָׁנָה. ט:כח וְהַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה נִזְכָּרִים וְנַעֲשִׂים בְּכָל דּוֹר וָדוֹר מִשְׁפָּחָה וּמִשְׁפָּחָה מְדִינָה וּמְדִינָה וְעִיר וָעִיר וִימֵי הַפּוּרִים הָאֵלֶּה לֹא יַעַבְרוּ מִתּוֹךְ הַיְּהוּדִים וְזִכְרָם לֹא יָסוּף מִזַּרְעָם.
    Esth 9:27 The Jews undertook and irrevocably obligated themselves and their descendants, and all who might join them, to observe these two days in the manner prescribed and at the proper time each year. 9:28 Consequently, these days are recalled and observed in every generation: by every family, every province, and every city. And these days of Purim shall never cease among the Jews, and the memory of them shall never perish among their descendants.
  3. See Shawn Joe Lichaa, “Comparing Purims,” TheTorah (2015). This may also be Josephus’ understanding, who mentions the celebration on two dates, on the 14 and 15 of Adar, but does not explain the distinction between the two.

    Ant. 11:291 ἀπέθανον δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν Ἰουδαίων τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῖς ἑπτακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι. καὶ τούτους μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνός, τὴν δὲ ἐχομένην ἑορτάσιμον ἐποίησαν. 11:292 ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν Σούσοις Ἰουδαῖοι τὴν τετράδα καὶ δεκάτην καὶ τὴν ἐχομένην τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς συναθροισθέντες εὐωχήθησαν. ὅθεν καὶ νῦν οἱ ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ Ἰουδαῖοι πάντες τὰς ἡμέρας ταύτας ἑορτάζουσιν διαπεμπόμενοι μερίδας ἀλλήλοις. 11:293 ἔγραψεν δὲ Μαρδοχαῖος τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀρταξέρξου βασιλείᾳ [ ζῶσιν] Ἰουδαίοις ταύτας παραφυλάσσειν τὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἑορτὴν ἄγειν αὐτὰς καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις παραδοῦναι τοῦ πρὸς πάντα διαμεῖναι τὸν χρόνον τὴν ἑορτὴν ἕνεκα καὶ μὴ λήθῃ παραπολέσθαι: 11:294 μελλήσαντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν ταύταις διαφθείρεσθαι ταῖς ἡμέραις ὑπὸ Ἀμάνου δίκαια ποιήσειν, εἰ διαφυγόντες μὲν ἐν αὐταῖς τὸν κίνδυνον τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς τιμωρησάμενοι παρατηρήσουσιν αὐτὰς εὐχαριστοῦντες τῷ θεῷ. 11:295 διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὰς προειρημένας ἡμέρας ἑορτάζουσιν προσαγορεύσαντες αὐτὰς φρουρέας.
    Ant. 11.291 Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country, and in the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept as a festival. 11.292 In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these days festival, and send portions to one another. 11:293 Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver them down to posterity, that this festival might continue for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in oblivion; 11:294 for since they were about to be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to observe those days, and give thanks to God on them; 11:295 for which cause the Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them days of Phurim. (Whiston trans.)
  4. Editor’s note: For more on the differences between Greek and Hebrew Esther, see Aaron Koller, “A More Religious Megillah: A Jewish-Greek Version of Esther,” TheTorah (2014); Elsie Stern, “Megillat Esther: A Godless and Assimilated Diaspora,” TheTorah (2014).

  5. διὰ τοῦτο οὖν οἱ Ιουδαῖοι οἱ διεσπαρμένοι ἐν πάσῃ χώρᾳ τῇ ἔξω ἄγουσιν τὴν τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτην τοῦ Αδαρ ἡμέραν ἀγαθὴν μετ᾽ εὐφροσύνης ἀποστέλλοντες μερίδας ἕκαστος τῷ πλησίον, οἱ δὲ κατοικοῦντες ἐν ταῖς μητροπόλεσιν καὶ τὴν πεντεκαιδεκάτην τοῦ Αδαρ ἡμέραν εὐφροσύνην ἀγαθὴν ἄγουσιν ἐξαποστέλλοντες μερίδας τοῖς πλησίον.

    See discussion in Jon D. Levenson, Esther: A Commentary, Old Testament Library (London: SCM Press, 1997), 123. Frederick W. Bush, Ruth, Esther, Word Bible Commentary 9; (Waco, TX: Word, 1996), 478, sees this as the adaptation of a gloss from vv. 21–22.

  6. This text also appears in the Jerusalem Talmud (yMeg 1.1; 70a).

  7. The Tosefta continues with the third position, noted above, which is more difficult to interpret:

    אמ' ר' יוסה בן יהודה היכן מצינו לשושן הבירה שמוקפת חומ' מימות יהושע בן נון אלא משפחה ומשפחה מדינה ומדינה עיר ועיר
    Said R. Yose b. Judah, "Where do we find evidence concerning Shushan, the capital, that it was surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua son of Nun? Rather […that these days should be remembered and kept throughout every generation] in every family, province, and city (Esth 9:28).”

    Yose b. Judah seems to be arguing with the first opinion, noting that because we do not know if Shushan was surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua in Shushan the scroll would be read there on the fourteenth, not the fifteenth of Adar, which is absurd. He may have made this argument in support for Joshua b. Qorha, or alternatively, he may be arguing that every generation should determine the status of its city based on whether it is is presently surrounded by a wall or not. So Saul Lieberman (Tosefta Ki-fshutah: Mo‘ed [vol. 5; Jerusalem, 1992], 1122-23) following yMeg 1.1, 70a.

  8. The Talmud here relies on the ketiv of the word לוא (lo) with aleph, which reflects a negative. However, in that context the keri לו makes sense; reliance on the ketiv leads to a grammatically incoherent sentence that simply serves as support for the lack of need for a wall. Although the Bavli uses this Tannaitic source, which originates in the Sifra (Behar, parasha 4; See also and t. Arak 5:13), to make a point about Shushan Purim, its contexts is actually in a very different set of laws, that of redeeming houses sold because of debt, which will be discussed below.

  9. The Mishnah reads:

    כרכין המוקפין חומה מימות יהושע בן נון קורין בחמשה עשר כפרים ועיירות גדולות קורין בארבעה עשר
    Cities surrounded by a wall from the time of Joshua son of Nun read [the Megillah] on the 15th [of Adar]; villages and large towns read on the 14th.
  10. This is the same derasha (homily) found in the Yerushalmi in the name of R. Judah ben Pazzi. The text there is obscure but it seems to be related to a different point. One interpretation, suggested by R. David Fraenkel (1707–1762), is that R. Judah ben Pazzi is trying to prove that even if a city was walled in the time of Ahasuerus, if it was not walled in the time of Joshua, they should read on the 14th (see Korban HaEidah ad loc.).

  11. The opposite is true of houses in villages, which can be redeemed and revert to their original owner in the jubilee year (Lev 25:31). The usual explanation tendered for the difference between walled cities and fields or open cities is the importance of the jubilee year in an agricultural society; in urban walled cities, the sale of houses was more in the nature of a business activity. See Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 23–27: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 3B; New York, 2001), 2198-2200. Editor’s note: For a discussion of the archaeology of walled vs. unwalled cities in biblical times, see Avraham Faust, “The Jubilee Real Estate Law,” TheTorah (2014).

  12. For a discussion of the rest of the text, including its strange list, see addendum.

  13. The great scholar of ancient Judaism, Samuel Krauss (1866–1948) remarked on the affinity between the halakhah requiring the full quorum of the Sanhedrin for the act of enlarging the city of Jerusalem and the laws governing the enlarging of the pomerium in Rome. I argue that the features shared by the tannaitic halakhot concerning "cities which are surrounded by wall from the days of Joshua" and the Roman pomerium are even more profound. See Samuel Krauss, קדמוניות התלמוד [The Antiquities of the Talmud], (Berlin-Vienna, n.d.), 1/1, 41

  14. On Hadrian as a founder of new cities and also of renewed cities throughout the Roman Empire, see Mary T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire (Princeton, 2000), 172–203.

  15. Editor’s note: For more on this, see Meir Ben Shahar, “Rabbi Akiva's Laugh: The Hidden Call for the Bar-Kokhba Revolt,” TheGemara (2016).

  16. Colonia here is short for Colonia Civium Romanarum, meaning a colony of Roman citizens. Beginning in the time of Augustus, veterans of the Roman military would settle in cities in the east, and their neighborhoods would receive the status of Roman colonies. These veterans would receive benefits from Rome such as exemption from taxes.

  17. Meshorer, Coinage of Aelia Capitolina, 21.

  18. See Feldman, "Observations on the Name of Palestine," 1-23, and Eyal Ben-Eliyahu, “Judea and Israel: The Territorial Dimension of National Identity” (Hebrew), Zion 75 (2010): 127-51.

  19. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge Classics, 1994).

  20. The Bible has contradictory traditions on who was responsible for making Jerusalem Israelite, and when this happened. See Zev Farber, “The Israelite Conquest of Jerusalem: When and Who?” TheTorah (2016).

  21. For a discussion of this source, see David Adan-Bayewitz, "The Tannaitic List of ‘Walled Cities’ and the Archaeological Evidence from Iotapata and Gamala” (Hebrew), Tarbiz 66 (1997): 449-70, who adduces that this is a list of cities fortified by Gentiles before passing into Jewish hands, dating it to the period between the conquest of Gamala by Alexander Jannaeus (c. 82-79 B.C.E.) and its destruction in 67 C.E. Stuart Miller (Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris [Leiden, 1984], 13-30) dates the list to the early second century C.E., before the Bar-Kokhba revolt.

  22. The absence of the other cities listed from the book of Joshua may have been what motivated Ishmael son of Rabbi Yose to define a “walled city” as every city that was, according to tradition, resanctified by the returnees from Babylonia (Sifra: Behar, 4; Ms. Vatican):

    אמר ר' ישמעאל ב"ר יוסי לא מנו אלא אילו שקידשום כשעלו בני הגולה אבל הראשונות בטלו כיון שבטלה הארץ.
    Rabbi Ishmael son of Rabbi Yose said: They only enumerated those that were sanctified by the returnees from exile but the first [sanctifications] were annulled because [ownership] of land was annulled.

    Rabbi Ishmael’s opinion reflects the rabbinic premise that there was a dual sanctification of the land of Israel: an initial, primary sanctification by Joshua, which they called kedushah rishonah (initial sanctification), and a subsequent, secondary one by Nehemiah, termed kedushah sheniyah (resanctification). This notion broadly impacts the tannaitic and amoraic halakhot relating to agriculture in the land of Israel. See Eyal Ben-Eliyahu, Between Borders (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 2013), 159. With respect to Jerusalem, this second sanctification is reflected in the dedication ritual performed by Nehemiah after rebuilding its walls (Neh 12:27-44), thus linking two founding figures and strata. The Mishnah (Sheb 2.1) and the Babylonian Talmud (Shebu 15a-16a) based the sanctification ceremony and its requirements on the biblical description of the ceremony of Nehemiah’s dedication of the Jerusalem city wall (Neh 12). Note that, in Megillat Ta'anit, 14 and 15 Adar are the days of Purim, whereas 16 Adar is the day on which the building of the walls of Jerusalem began. This is one of three dates dedicated to the building of the wall of Jerusalem, but it is difficult to determine if it relates to Nehemiah, the Hasmoneans, or even Agrippa I’s day. See Vered Noam, Megillat Ta'anit: Versions, Interpretation, History (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 2003), 180-83. This dual sanctification underscores the link made in tannaitic literature between the building of walls and the “starting point” for the sanctification of the city, for marking the point from which these cities belong to the Jewish people and require adherence to the laws of the land of Israel.