Enthroning God in the Temple with the Song of the Sea

The Song of the Sea begins with defeat of the Egyptians and ends with YHWH’s enthronement in His temple. Comparison with the Epic of Baal and Enuma Elish clarify the genre and purpose of such hymns, and a striking parallel with Solomon’s prayer in 1 Kings 8 offers a clue to the original context of this ancient song.

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Enthroning God in the Temple with the Song of the Sea

Jerusalem Temple amidst the parted Red Sea, created using Dall-E / AI

Although the Song begins with YHWH’s miraculous defeat of Israel’s enemies and the sinking of Pharaoh’s chariots in the sea, it continues by describing Israel’s entrance into the land, and the Song’s denouement is the establishment of a temple.[1] These points suggest that even though, in its current context, the “Song of the Sea” (Exodus 15:1b-18) is presented as the song that Moses sang as a paean of praise to God immediately following Israel’s miraculous redemption at the sea,[2] its inclusion in the exodus account is secondary.[3]

An Enthronement Hymn: Identifying the Song’s Genre

The Song, presented as a spontaneous outburst of praise for a salvific act of God, appears to be an “enthronement hymn.” This follows a recognizable Semitic pattern in which a god follows up a battle with his enthronement as king. Frank Moore Cross summarizes this theme as follows:

[T]he principal hero is a Divine Warrior, Yahweh of Hosts by name, who called the nation into being, led them to victory over their enemies with many marvels, and revealed himself as their ruler.
In both the structure of the great complex of tradition and its individual poetic units therein [in the Song], a familiar mythic pattern may be discerned. The Divine Warrior marched forth in wrath to win a crucial victory—at the sea, or in variant tradition by cleaving through Sea—and then led a triumphal procession to his mountain, where he appeared in glory, constructed his sanctuary, and established his kingdom.
A similar if not identical pattern of themes is found in the mythic cycle of Ba‘l in Late Bronze Age Canaan (Ugarit) and in the classic Akkadian cosmogony known as Enūma eliš.[4]

Let’s look at the two examples mentioned by Cross.[5]

Epic of Baal

‍In the Ugaritic Epic of Baal, written in the early 14th century B.C.E., the storm-god Baal (i.e., Master, a popular epithet for the storm god, Hadad/Adad) battles the sea god, Yamm and the god of death Mot, to establish his kingship. The account calls Baal’s abode Mount Ṣapon (=צפון, the term for left or north in west-Semitic) and has vivid descriptions of his various battles and enthronement (column V, p. 160):[6]

Baal seizes the sons of Athirat (=Asherah, the wife of El, Baal’s mother)
The mighty he strikes with a mace,
The attackers he strikes with a weapon,
The young of Yamm (=god of the sea) he drags to the earth.
Then Baal [is enthroned] on his royal throne (=כסא מלכותו),
[On the resting place], the throne of his dominion.

Enuma Elish

‍In the Babylonian creation epic, Enuma Elish (early to mid- 2nd millenium B.C.E.), the god Marduk—the patron god of the city of Babylon—defeats the great primordial mother goddess Tiamat, and uses her body to create the world:[7]

Face to face they came, Tiamat and Marduk, sage of the gods.
They engaged in combat, they closed for battle.
The Lord (=Bel=Baal=Marduk)[8] spread his net and made it encircle her…
He shot an arrow which pierced her belly,
Split her down the middle and slit her heart,
Vanquished her and extinguished her life…. (p. 253)
The Lord trampled the lower part of Tiamat,
With his unsparing mace he smashed her skull… (p. 254)

At this point in the epic, Marduk establishes a place for the gods to live and be worshipped in the heavens:

He crossed the heavens and sought out a shrine…
He founded cult centers for Anu, Ellil, and Ea,
He fashioned stands for the great gods. (p. 255)

Finally, after creating the earth, Marduk establishes a place for himself to dwell and rule:

I shall make a house to be a luxurious dwelling for myself,
And shall found his cult center within it,
And I shall establish my private quarters and confirm my kingship….
I hereby name it Babylon (bāb-ili, “gate of gods”), home of the great gods.
We shall make it the center of religion. (p. 259)

The Enthronement Genre

‍To be sure, the Song of the Sea is not identical to these ANE accounts. The ANE examples refer to “events” in mythic time, in which gods battle other gods, whereas YHWH is battling humans in the historical period.[9] Additionally, the ANE accounts are epic poems as opposed to hymns. Nevertheless, the template is still recognizable: Each text ultimately enthrones the author’s god in the author’s city: Baal on Mount Ṣapon in Lebanon, Marduk in his temple in Babylon, and YHWH in an (unnamed) Israelite Temple.

The fact that an Israelite or Judahite scribe would compose a hymn that participates in the ANE genre of enthronement literature implies that the scribe was familiar with this genre, and tailored it to fit the Israelite historiography and the Israelite conception of YHWH. This should not be surprising, as we know from other examples in biblical literature that Israelite Temple or court scribes were familiar with the ANE literature and literary conventions.[10] They would have been able to draw on such tales to produce Israel’s deity’s story.[11]

An Ancient Temple Psalm

Having established the Song as an enthronement hymn, originally composed for a temple, can we go further and suggest where and when it was written? No scholarly consensus exists concerning the date of the composition of the Song, nor are there any definitive indications in the text itself. Nevertheless, certain indications point to a relatively early date (early monarchic) and to the Jerusalem Temple.

Linguistic analysis – Many scholars have noted that the Hebrew of the Song of the Sea is archaic. This means that its composition likely predates the composition of the main sources of the Pentateuch (JEPD). Since the earliest of these sources (J and E) were likely composed no later than the mid-First Temple period, the Song of the Sea should be dated to the early monarchic period (if not before).[12]

Parallel with Solomon’s Prayer – Verse 17 of the Song of the Sea contains a striking literary parallel with King Solomon’s dedicatory prayer at the Temple’s inauguration found in 1 Kings 8:13 (=2 Chron. 6:20).[13]

Song of the Sea Solomon’s Prayer
תְּבִאֵמוֹ וְתִטָּעֵמוֹ בְּהַר נַחֲלָתְךָ מָכוֹן לְשִׁבְתְּךָ פָּעַלְתָּ יְהוָה מִקְּדָשׁ אֲדֹנָי כּוֹנְנוּ יָדֶיךָ.
בָּנֹה בָנִיתִי בֵּית זְבֻל לָךְ מָכוֹן לְשִׁבְתְּךָ עוֹלָמִים.
Exod 15:17 You brought them and planted them in Your own mountain, a place You made for your dwelling, O YHWH, the sanctuary, O YHWH, which Your hands established. 1 Kings 8:13 I have now built for You a stately House, a place where You May dwell forever.”

These are the only two instances in the Bible in which this phrase appears, suggesting either that one is aware of the other or that these songs come from the same milieu, namely the Jerusalem Temple. Although no agreement exists on the date of this particular section of Solomon’s prayer in Kings,[14] Mordechai Cogen argues that it is an early hymn that predates its use in the book,[15] similar to what has been suggested for the Song of the Sea, which also predates its context in Exodus.

Legitimizing Jerusalem and the Davidic Line

As portrayed in 1 Kings, the Temple’s construction gave God’s final stamp of approval to the legitimacy of the Davidic dynasty and of Solomon as the valid and rightful heir to the throne. The utilization of the popular ANE trope of a powerful god capping off a successful campaign with the establishment of a temple residence[16]—tying the establishment of Jerusalem with Israel’s mythic past—would have been particularly apropos for Solomon.

Solomon’s International Style

‍Biblical literature describes Solomon as a ruler with strong international ties and tastes:

  • He employs Phoenicians for his building projects, including an architect named Hiram (7:13, 40, 45).
  • He is allies with King Hiram of Tyre (5:11-26, 9:11, 14, not the same as the architect).[17]
  • He marries foreign women (11:1), including Pharaoh’s daughter (9:24).
  • He builds temples to foreign gods (11:7-8).
  • He has an international reputation (10:23-25), and is visited by the Queen of Sheba (10:1).

How much of this is history, how much myth, and how much propaganda is hard to say. Nevertheless, archaeologically speaking, the physical description of the temple structure in Kings matches other temples in that time, such as the structures found in the Aramean towns of Tell Tayinat and Ain Dara.[18] This implies that the construction of the Jerusalem Temple was done in accordance with an international koiné. Similarly, Solomon’s commissioning his composers to write an enthronement hymn for the Jerusalem Temple, which would make use of a popular ANE genre while fine-tuning it to the Israelite national story and its patron God, YHWH, would fit the pattern noted above.

YHWH Reigns Forever – In Jerusalem

‍Enthronement literature can be a useful tool for establishing the legitimacy of a Temple or city by associating it with the patron god, who makes his (or her) home there. The proclamation of the final verse of the song, which states: “YHWH will reign forever and ever!” (ה’ ימלך לעולם ועד) (v. 18), emphasizes how the deity will now rule for all eternity from this new home that He built. Such a rhetorical strategy would make good sense if the song was composed as a hymn of dedication for the inauguration of the Temple. The success of this endeavor is clear from the fact that the Song was chosen by the biblical authors to cap off Israel’s greatest story, the exodus from Egypt, and was put into the mouth of its greatest prophet, Moses.

View Footnotes

Published 2017-02-06

  1. See discussion in, Baruch J. Schwartz, “The Song at the Sea: What Does it Celebrate?” TheTorah.com (2014).

  2. This is why Jewish tradition enshrines it as the Torah portion read on the seventh day of Pesach.

  3. Both Richard Elliot Friedman and William H.C. Propp regard the song as being an independent composition and not originally part of J (or E or P). See Richard Elliott Friedman, The Hidden Book in the Bible (San Francisco: Harper, 1998), and William H.C. Propp, Exodus 1-18 (The Anchor Yale Bible Exodus; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). One may conjecture that the Song of Deborah (Judges 5) was written and placed after Judges 4 to parallel what had developed in Exodus with the placement of the Song after the exodus account.

  4. Frank Moore Cross, From Epic to Cannon (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), p. 22.

  5. Editor’s note: Another example could be the Egyptian Tale of Horus and Seth, in which the two battle for the throne. It ends with Osiris choosing his son (Horus) over his (Osiris’) brother (Seth) and a proclamation of praise that Horus has been enthroned.

  6. English is Mark Smith’s translation in, Simon B. Parker, Ugaritic Narrative Poetry (SBL Writings from the Ancient World 9; Scholars Press, 1997).

  7. Translation is from Stephanie Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others (Oxford Word Classics; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).

  8. Editor’s note: Baal simply means “master.” It is the equivalent of the Jewish “Adonai” and is an epithet for many gods. We are most familiar with it as an epithet for the Canaanite storm god, Hadad/Adad, but the Babylonians used it for Marduk, Israelites sometimes used it for YHWH, and the Egyptians even used it for Seth.

  9. That said, it is worth noting that v.11 declares that YHWH is greater than other gods:

    מִי כָמֹכָה בָּאֵלִם יְהוָה
    מִי כָּמֹכָה נֶאְדָּר בַּקֹּדֶשׁ
    נוֹרָא תְהִלֹּת עֹשֵׂה פֶלֶא.
    Who is like You, YHWH, among the gods;
    Who is like You, majestic in holiness,
    Awesome in splendor, working wonders!
  10. Editor’s note: For some TABS essays showing biblical authors making use of ANE literature, see Shalom Holtz, “The Flood Story in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context,” Deena Grant, “Loving God Beyond the Way You Love Ashurbanipal,” and Eve Levavi Feinstein, “The Rape of the Unbetrothed Virgin in Torah and Assyrian Law.”

  11. This would only have been possible, however, after the establishment of the monarchy. As Werner Schmidt writes:

    Only after the annexation of the Canaanite city-states were the material prerequisites for the recording of comprehensive data made available in Israel; there may have been in the Jerusalem court a school of scribes at which officials were educated. Through international relations there came about the participation of Israel in the international development of its day and its literary as well as cultural possibilities.

    See Werner H. Schmidt, “A Theologian of the Solomonic Era? A Plea for the Yahwist,” inStudies in The Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays (Tomoo Ishida, ed.; Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1982), pp. 55-73 [p. 66 ].

  12. Little scholarly consensus exists on the Song’s dating. That elements of the song may indeed originate in the Early Iron Age (12th -11th centuries B.C.E.) in an oral form should not be discounted; certainly both Cross and Freedman suggest that the Song is one of Israel’s earliest poems and both locate its origins in this early period. See, David Noel Freedman, “‘Who Is Like Thee Among the Gods?’ The Religion of Early Israel” in Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross (eds., Patrick D. Miller, Paul D. Hanson, S. Dean McBride; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), pp. 315-335 [327-331]. Frank Moore Cross,Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic – Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973). See in particular Chapter 6, “The Song of the Sea,” pp. 121-144. Nevertheless, the references to the distress of the denizens of Philistia, Edom, Moab, and Canaan as reported in verses 13 through 16a, and the description of the establishment of the Temple, presumably the Jerusalem Temple, all demonstrate a later viewpoint of events. For more information on the range of possibilities, see Appendix A in William H.C. Propp Exodus 19-40 (The Anchor Bible; New York: Doubleday, 2006), pp. 723-724.

  13. This point is noted by the pseudonymous blogger Dov Bear, in his essay, “Does God Split the Sea in the Song of the Sea?” TheTorah.com (2014) (accessed November 16, 2016). See also Dov Bear’s original posting of January 26, 2010 at: http://dovbear.blogspot.com/2010/01/song-of-sea-what-is-it-really-about.html.

  14. In the account in Kings, this is not Solomon’s main prayer, which is much longer and appears after this prayer. Scholars assume this prayer was composed earlier than the main one.

  15. Mordechai Cogan, I Kings (The Anchor Bible New York: Doubleday, 2000), p. 293.

  16. John Gray, I & II Kings, A Commentary, 2nd edition (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1970), p.212, notes the connection between the description of the temple and Canaanite tropes in his gloss on 1 Kings 8:13: “In view of the place that the ‘established dwelling’ (mākōn lešibtekā) plays in passages which celebrate the kingship of Yahweh and often reflect Canaanite mythology,…”

  17. Indeed, it may be that Solomon and Rehoboam’s Minister of the Corvée should be identified as a Phoenician, assuming his name was Adoram (as stated in 1 Kings 12:18 as opposed to Adoniram in 2 Samuel 20:24), as his name means Adad is exalted.”

  18. See discussion in Victor (Avigdor) Hurowitz, “Solomon’s Temple in Context,” Biblical Archaeology Review 37.2 (2011): 46-57; 77-78.