Genesis, Exodus, and the Composition of the Torah

The story of the ancestors in Genesis serves as a prequel to that of Moses in Exodus. Originally, however, each were self-standing accounts of Israel’s origin. They were combined for the first time by the Priestly author in the post-exilic period.

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Genesis, Exodus, and the Composition of the Torah

The end of Genesis and beginning of Exodus. Additional 15306, ff. 52v-53, ca. 14-15th c. British Library.

Multiple Sources, One Narrative Arc

The narrative arc of Israelite history as told in the Hexateuch, the Bible’s first six books,[1] is familiar: God chooses Abraham and brings him to the promised land.[2] This special relationship continues with Isaac, then Jacob/Israel, and finally the children of Israel. The family ends up in Egypt during a famine, and although Jacob’s son Joseph saves Egypt, a later Pharaoh enslaves the Israelites. God then sends Moses to free the people of Israel, who brings them through the wilderness, after which Joshua leads them into the Promised Land to settle it for good.

Most scholars see multiple traditions about Israel’s past and how they came to inhabit Canaan imbedded in this narrative. In one set of traditions, YHWH rescues them from Egypt. In another, he finds them in the wilderness, and in a third, he chooses Abraham and sends him to the land.[3] Scholars understood these traditions as having existed separately in ancient times, probably in oral form. Nevertheless, these same scholars believed that the written sources of the Torah all incorporated the full narrative arc: patriarchs, exodus, wilderness, settlement—what some scholars call salvation history (Heilsgeschichte).[4]

This idea lies at the core of the Documentary Hypothesis (DH), according to which, four independent documents, labelled J, E, P, and D, were compiled by one or more redactors, who added editorial smoothing here and there, but kept the documents more or less intact. The three main documents that make up most of the Torah—J, E, and P[5]—all follow this narrative arc. The first to lay this out in writing was the Torah’s most ancient source, J, and from there it was adapted by E and finally P, dating probably to the early postexilic period.[6]

The Priestly Narrative Arc: A European Model

In the last forty years, however, following the work of Rolf Rendtorff[7] and other scholars, serious doubts have arisen concerning this model. While scholars agree that the Priestly text is clearly discernable, based on its structure and distinctive language, and that it contains the full narrative arc (ancestors to exodus, etc.), the non-Priestly text is more difficult to characterize.

One rather technical problem has to do with the difficulty of separating J from E, which is why many European scholars speak of “non-P” instead. More broadly, European scholars are increasingly doubtful whether this corpus is best described as a document containing all the major themes of the Pentateuch or the Hexateuch.[8] Instead, a growing consensus in European scholarship contends that the non-Priestly text is better characterized as a secondary arrangement of formerly autonomous, larger literary units, thus taking up a fundamental observation of Martin Noth who highlighted the semi-autonomy of the larger “themes” of the Pentateuch, such as the ancestors and the exodus story.[9]

The Priestly author was familiar with these units, and they probably served as the main source for the narratives in the Priestly text, the first document with the familiar narrative arc. Eventually, later editors worked the non-Priestly units into the Priestly text, adding supplementary material to make the whole more coherent, thus establishing the basic outlook of what eventually became the Torah.[10]

Two such originally autonomous units are the non-Priestly ancestors story (Genesis) and the exodus story.[11]

The Joseph Story: Not Really a Bridge

According to the Documentary Hypothesis, non-P composed the Joseph story (Genesis 37–50) as a bridge between the ancestor story and the exodus story. It is there to explain how the descendants of Jacob, who lived in Canaan, ended up as slaves in Egypt. Yet, the transition is neither natural nor narratively plausible.

The book of Genesis depicts Joseph serving under the pharaoh and the Israelites as a small group of nomads. Yet the same Israelites appear in the beginning of the book of Exodus as conscript laborers (a status normally reserved for prisoners of war)[12] under a cruel Pharaoh who attempts to exploit and contain them.

This change of attitude towards the Israelites is explained in a brief transitional note:

שמות א:ו וַיָּמָת יוֹסֵף וְכָל אֶחָיו וְכֹל הַדּוֹר הַהוּא. א:ז וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל פָּרוּ וַיִּשְׁרְצוּ וַיִּרְבּוּ וַיַּעַצְמוּ בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד וַתִּמָּלֵא הָאָרֶץ אֹתָם. א:ח וַיָּקָם מֶלֶךְ חָדָשׁ עַל מִצְרָיִם אֲשֶׁר לֹא יָדַע אֶת יוֹסֵף.
Exod 1:6 Joseph died, and all his brothers, and all that generation. 1:7 But the Israelites were fertile and prolific; they multiplied and increased very greatly, so that the land was filled with them. 1:8 A new king arose over Egypt who did not know Joseph.

These verses explain how and why the descendants of Joseph and his twelve brothers turned into a massive work force, building storage cities in Egypt. However, they hardly give a realistic explanation for the turn of events. Instead, it seems that these verses were written by an editor trying to connect two pre-existing, separate literary blocks: the ancestor story, which ends with Joseph, and the exodus story, beginning with Moses.

In other words, the Joseph story originally capped the account of the ancestors. In the original non-Priestly block here, the family returns to Canaan permanently with the burial of the patriarch Jacob. In fact, the return of Joseph and the brothers return to Egypt after burying Jacob appears in only one verse,[13]

בראשית נ:יד וַיָּשָׁב יוֹסֵף מִצְרַיְמָה הוּא וְאֶחָיו וְכָל הָעֹלִים אִתּוֹ לִקְבֹּר אֶת אָבִיו אַחֲרֵי קָבְרוֹ אֶת אָבִיו.
Gen 50:14 After burying his father, Joseph returned to Egypt, he and his brothers and all who had gone up with him to bury his father.

Like Exodus 1:6–8, this verse was added by the redactor, who combined the non-priestly narrative of the ancestors and the exodus story (and maybe also P), so that the Joseph story, which once functioned as the end of the ancestors account, could now serve as a bridge to the originally independent exodus account.[14]

Promises to the Patriarchs

God’s promises to the ancestors, from creation through the patriarchs, serve as the most important points of cohesion in Genesis. In P, the literary connections between these promises and their fulfillment for Israel in Exodus are tight:

  • Promise to the First Human Beings
בראשית א:כח פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ וּמִלְאוּ אֶת הָאָרֶץ
Gen 1:28 Be fruitful, and multiply, and fill the earth
  • Promise to Noah
בראשית ט:ז וְאַתֶּם פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ שִׁרְצוּ בָאָרֶץ וּרְבוּ בָהּ.
Gen 9:7 And you, be fruitful, and multiply; increase abundantly in the earth, and multiply therein.
  • Promise to Abraham
בראשית יז:ב וְאַרְבֶּה אוֹתְךָ בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד.
Gen 17:2 And I will multiply you exceedingly.
  • The Growth of the Nation
שמות א:ז וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל פָּרוּ וַיִּשְׁרְצוּ וַיִּרְבּוּ וַיַּעַצְמוּ בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד וַתִּמָּלֵא הָאָרֶץ אֹתָם.
Exod 1:7 And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty; and the land was filled with them.

This is what we expect to see if the texts are written by the same author and are meant to have intertextual resonance. But it is not what we find in non-P.[15] Here too, the promises to the patriarchs serve as important points of cohesion, but in this case, they bear no intertextual, literary relationship to the supposed fulfillment in Exodus:

  • Promises to Abraham
בראשית יב:ב וְאֶעֶשְׂךָ לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל...
Gen 12:2 I will make of you a great nation…
בראשית יג:טז וְשַׂמְתִּי אֶת זַרְעֲךָ כַּעֲפַר הָאָרֶץ
Gen 13:16 I will make your descendants like the dust of the earth
  • Pharaoh’s Complaint (Exodus)
שמות א:ט הִנֵּה עַם בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל רַב וְעָצוּם מִמֶּנּוּ.
Exod 1:9 Behold, the people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we.

The word choice both for noun and adjective are different, which is not what we would expect had one author composed Exod 1:9 to demonstrate the fulfillment of the promises found in Genesis.

When read on their own, the promises in Genesis imply that the nation will grow out of patriarchs in the land itself.[16] For example, God says to Abraham:

בראשית יג:יד שָׂא נָא עֵינֶיךָ וּרְאֵה מִן הַמָּקוֹם אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה שָׁם צָפֹנָה וָנֶגְבָּה וָקֵדְמָה וָיָמָּה. יג:טו כִּי אֶת כָּל הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתָּה רֹאֶה לְךָ אֶתְּנֶנָּה וּלְזַרְעֲךָ עַד עוֹלָם.
Gen 13:14 Raise your eyes and look out from where you are, to the north and south, to the east and west, 13:15 for I give all the land that you see to you and your offspring forever.

The concept of Israelites having to leave the land before coming back to inherit seems alien to these texts.[17]

Non-Pentateuchal Literature

Several biblical texts outside the Pentateuch also point to an original separation between the ancestors and exodus corpora.

Historical Psalms—Several psalms, sometimes called “historical psalms,” incorporate a kind of survey of Israel’s history. Most of these psalms begin their surveys with the exodus. For instance, Psalm 136 (see also Psalm 135:8–12) begins Israel’s history with the smiting of the Egyptian first born. In fact, Psalm 136 literally jumps from the creation of the world to this moment:

תהלים קלו:ט אֶת הַיָּרֵחַ וְכוֹכָבִים לְמֶמְשְׁלוֹת בַּלָּיְלָה כִּי לְעוֹלָם חַסְדּוֹ. קלו:י לְמַכֵּה מִצְרַיִם בִּבְכוֹרֵיהֶם כִּי לְעוֹלָם חַסְדּוֹ.
Ps 136:9 The moon and the stars to dominate the night, His steadfast love is eternal. 136:10 Who struck Egypt through their first-born, His steadfast love is eternal.

Psalm 78 contains two surveys—the first begins with the splitting of the sea (v. 13) and the second with the plague of blood (v. 44). Psalm 106 also begins with the splitting of the sea (v. 7). The absence of a reference to the ancestors in the majority of the historical psalms suggest that their inclusion in the narrative arc leading up to the exodus is secondary and unfamiliar to these authors.

Exceptional among the surveys is Psalm 105 (see v. 9), which, like Nehemiah 9 (see v. 7), begins its survey with Abraham. This likely attests to the lateness of these texts, which are already familiar with the historical arc of ancestors to exodus introduced by P.

Hosea—Hosea places Jacob and Moses (“a prophet”) in opposition to each other.

הושע יב:יג וַיִּבְרַח יַעֲקֹב שְׂדֵה אֲרָם וַיַּעֲבֹד יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּאִשָּׁה וּבְאִשָּׁה שָׁמָר. יב:יד וּבְנָבִיא הֶעֱלָה יְ־הוָה אֶת יִשְׂרָאֵל מִמִּצְרָיִם וּבְנָבִיא נִשְׁמָר.
Hos 12:13 And Jacob had to flee to the land of Aram; there Israel served for a wife, for a wife he had to guard [sheep]. 12:14 But when YHWH brought Israel up from Egypt it was through a prophet; through a prophet they were guarded.

This juxtaposition suggests that the author is aware of both traditions but sees them as independent, even contrasting.[18]

YHWH vs. El Shaddai

In short, P was faced with two independent origin stories,[19] one now found in Genesis and the other in Exodus. When he decided to write his own work, incorporating both of these origin stories into one narrative arc, he needed to devise ways to bridge them. An important example of this type of synthesis is how P treats the revelation of the name of God.

P’s report of the call of Moses explains that God has revealed himself to the patriarchs as El Shaddai, but that now he is revealing a new name to Moses:

שמות ו:ב וַיְדַבֵּר אֱלֹהִים אֶל מֹשֶׁה וַיֹּאמֶר אֵלָיו אֲנִי יְ־הוָה. ו:ג וָאֵרָא אֶל אַבְרָהָם אֶל יִצְחָק וְאֶל יַעֲקֹב בְּאֵל שַׁדָּי וּשְׁמִי יְ־הוָה לֹא נוֹדַעְתִּי לָהֶם.
Exod 6:2 God spoke to Moses and said to him, “I am YHWH. 6:3 I appeared to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as El Shaddai, but I did not make Myself known to them by My name YHWH.

Why does P make this distinction? Perhaps it derives from P’s familiarity with the non-P ancestors and exodus units. The former makes use of a variety of names for God [20] while the latter uses YHWH almost exclusively.[21] To create some order in this chaos, P proposes a three-step hierarchy in God’s revelation of his name in line with how P sees the proper political division world.[22]

In the beginning of the Priestly Torah, God is always referred to by the generic name Elohim. When he speaks with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, he reveals himself to them with a more specific name, El-Shaddai (Gen 17:1, 28:3, 35:11, 43:14, 48:3) that seems to be reserved for the Abrahamic peoples, i.e., the Israelites, the Ishmaelites, and the Edomites that all go back to Abraham as their ancestor.[23] Finally, when he speaks with Moses, who will lead the Israelites out of bondage, he introduces the name YHWH.[24] This is just one of the many ideas that P, who created the ancestors followed by exodus sequence, needed to create from scratch.

Consequences of Separating the Blocks

The redaction-historical separation of Genesis and Exodus before P has significant consequences for understanding the history of religion and theology of the Hebrew Bible. In contrast to the assumptions of the Documentary Hypothesis, the older, non-Priestly Genesis and the Moses stories stood opposite each other as two competing traditions, from different theological outlooks, about the origin of Israel.[25]

Each explained, in different ways, how Israel came to be. Genesis does this in a mainly peaceful, inclusive, and autochthonous (Israel originating from its own land) manner, while the Moses story takes a more aggressive, exclusive, and allochthonous (Israel’s origins lie in the exodus from Egypt) approach.[26]

To be more precise, the ancestors’ narrative constructs a picture of the origin of Israel in its own land, a fact that is especially prominent in the specific formulations of the promises of the land, which do not presuppose several centuries between promise and fulfillment. At the same time, the ancestors’ story is both theologically and politically inclusive: It includes different names/manifestations of God, revelations to non-Israelites, and the Patriarchs dwell together with the inhabitants of the land and make treaties with them.

In contrast, the story of the exodus stresses Israel’s origin abroad in Egypt and presents an exclusive theological argument: YHWH is a jealous god that does not tolerate any other gods besides himself, and the Israelites shall not make peace with the inhabitants of the land.

Undoing the Exceptionalism Inherent in the Documentary Hypothesis

The Documentary Hypothesis suggested a clear discontinuity between ancient Israel and its neighbors, because it posited that Israel from its very beginnings believed in a God who acts for his people in history, in contrast to its neighboring cultures who mostly venerated cyclic processes of nature according to seasonal changes or exceptional natural events as divine.

Within the Documentary History, the inclusively structured ancestors’ story was seen as a mere prequel to the exodus story that stressed God’s unique and exclusive relationship to Israel, and Israel’s allegiance to him, instead of to a mundane empire like Egypt. The ancestor’s story was not perceived as a self-standing piece with its own importance.

But if there was no early (i.e., Solomonic) or at least monarchic (Josianic) conception of a salvation history—beginning with the creation and ending with the conquest of the land—that established God’s global rule, at least in monarchic times, Israel’s religion was probably quite comparable to those of its neighbors, like Ammon, Moab, or Edom: YHWH is in charge of Israel’s well-being, like Chemosh for Moab’s or Milqom for Ammon’s. Only starting with the exile, when P, by combining the ancestors and the exodus story, created the idea of an encompassing salvation history that differentiated Israel from the nations, Israel’s religion became an entity unto its own.

Historical reconstruction, therefore, allows us to uncover this important inner-biblical difference regarding Genesis and the Moses story, what each has to say about Israel’s origin and its relation to its land and to other nations, and how their combination laid the groundwork for the Torah as we have it today.

View Footnotes

Published 2021-01-13

  1. Editor’s note: For a discussion of the Pentateuch vs. Hexateuch issue, see Marc Zvi Brettler, “Is the Torah a Pentateuch or a Hexateuch?” TheTorah (2013).

  2. This piece sets out in a very brief precis my thesis about Genesis and Exodus. For a full discussion, see Konrad Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story: Israel’s Dual Origins in the Hebrew Bible, Siphrut 3 (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2010).

  3. Editor’s note: For examples of seeing these traditions as separate and competing, see Tzemah Yoreh, “The Northern Tribal Tradition of Settling the Land,” TheTorah (2015); Zev Farber, “Jacob the Conqueror of Shechem,” TheTorah (2015); David Frankel, “Exodus: Not the Only Tradition about Israel’s Past,” TheTorah (2015).

  4. One classic treatment of this is in Martin Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions, trans. Bernhard W. Anderson (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972), trans. of, Überlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1948). The term Heilsgeschichte was used prominently by Gerhard von Rad, “Das formgeschichtliche Problem des Hexateuch,” (1938) in idem, Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament (TB 8; München: Kaiser, 1958), 9–86, e.g. 10 and passim.

  5. D (=the core of Deuteronomy) differs in structure from the other three, as it is presented as Moses’ message about the past.

  6. I am oversimplifying here, and many variations on the main theory exist. Disputed issues include whether J and E were combined earlier than the Pentateuch as a whole (into JE), how intact each document really is (in many reconstructions, E is quite truncated), whether E might actually be earlier than J, and whether the authors of any of these documents were aware of other documents. None of this, however, matters to the argument in this essay, which is not focused on the nuances of the DH.

  7. Rolf Rendtorff, Das überlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch, BZAW 147 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1977), English translation: The Problem of the Process of Transmission in the Pentateuch, JSOTSup 89 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1990). The problem with using the DH outside of Genesis was noted much earlier than this. See the comment by Martin Noth, at the outset of his commentary on Numbers: “If one takes the book of Numbers for itself, one would not explain it by ‘continuous sources’.” Martin Noth, Das vierte Buch Mose. Numeri, 3d ed., ATD 7 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977), 7 (translation mine).

  8. See Jan Christian Gertz, Konrad Schmid, and Markus Witte, eds., Abschied vom Jahwisten. Die Komposition des Hexateuch in der jüngsten Diskussion (BZAW 315; Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2002) and Tom Dozeman and Konrad Schmid, eds., A Farewell to the Yahwist? The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Discussion (SBLSS 34; Atlanta: SBL, 2006). See also Jan C. Gertz et al., eds., The Formation of the Pentateuch: Bridging the Academic Cultures of Europe, Israel, and North America (FAT 111; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016); Thomas B. Dozeman, The Pentateuch: Introducing the Torah (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2017).

  9. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions.

  10. See on this Konrad Schmid, “Who Wrote the Torah? Textual, Historical, Sociological, and Ideological Cornerstones of the Formation of the Pentateuch” (2017). For later, post-Priestly additions see Federico Giuntoli and Konrad Schmid, eds., The Post-Priestly Pentateuch: New Perspectives on its Redactional Development and Theological Profiles, ed. Federico Giuntoli and Konrad Schmid, FAT 101 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015); Konrad Schmid, “Post-Priestly Additions in the Pentateuch: A Survey of Scholarship”, in, The Formation of the Pentateuch: Bridging the Academic Cultures of Europe, Israel, and North America, ed. Jan C. Gertz, Bernard M. Levinson, Dalit Rom-Shiloni, and Konrad Schmid, FAT 111 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016), 589–604.

  11. The fundamental literary-historical separation of Genesis and the Moses story proposed in my Genesis and the Moses Story is not a completely new idea, relying on observations already made in 1928 by Kurt Galling and in 1943 by Martin Noth. See Kurt Galling, Die Erwählungstraditionen Israels (Giessen: Töpelmann, 1928); Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions. For similar, even earlier positions since Jean Astruc, see my survey “The Sources of the Pentateuch: Their Literary Extent and the Bridge between Genesis and Exodus. A Survey of Scholarship since Astruc,” in Book-Seams in the Hexateuch I. The Literary Transitions between the Books of Genesis/Exodus and Joshua/Judges, ed. Christoph Berner and Harald Samuel, FAT 120 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018), 21–41. Albert de Pury and Thomas Römer suggested in 1989 and 1990 that there are no pre-Priestly links between Genesis and Exodus. Thomas Römer, Israels Väter: Untersuchungen zur Väterthematik im Deuteronomium und in der deuteronomistischen Tradition (OBO 99; Fribourg: Editions Universitaires and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990); Albert Pury, “Le cycle de Jacob comme légende autonome des origines d'Israël,” in Congress Volume Leuven 1989, ed. by J. A. Emerton, VTSup 43 (Leiden: Brill, 1991), 78–96; see also Thomas Römer, “Zwischen Urkunden, Fragmenten und Ergänzungen. Zum Stand der Pentateuchforschung,” ZAW 125 (2013): 2–24; idem, Einleitung in das Alte Testament. Die Bücher der Hebräischen Bibel und die alttestamentlichen Schriften der katholischen, protestantischen und orthodoxen Kirchen (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2013), 120–168. Independent from my work, Jan Christian Gertz came to the same conclusion in his study on the exodus story. Jan Christian Gertz, Tradition und Redaktion in der Exoduserzählung: Untersuchungen zur Endredaktion des Pentateuch, FRLANT 186 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2000), especially 381–388. Eckart Otto’s publications and Reinhard Kratz’ The Composition of the Historical Books of the Old Testament as well share the same basic tenets of this theory. Eckart Otto “Mose und das Gesetz: Die Mose-Figur als Gegenentwurf Politischer Theologie zur neuassyrischen Königsideologie im 7. Jh. v.Chr,” in Mose: Ägypten und das Alte Testament (ed. idem; SBS 189, Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2000), 43–83; idem, Das Deuteronomium im Pentateuch und im Hexateuch: Studien zur Literaturgeschichte von Pentateuch und Hexateuch im Lichte des Deuteronomiumrahmens (FAT 30, Tübingen: Mohr 2000); idem, Mose: Geschichte und Legende (Munich: Beck, 2006); Reinhard Kratz, The Composition of the Historical Books of the Old Testament (T & T Clark, London, 2005); idem, “The Analysis of the Pentateuch: An Attempt to Overcome Barriers of Thinking,” ZAW 128 (2016): 529–561.

  12. Editor’s note: For more on foreign slaves in Egypt from a historical perspective, see Mark Janzen, “What We Know about Slavery in Egypt,” TheTorah (2016); Flora Brooke Anthony, “Levantines in 15th and 14th Century Egyptian Art,” TheTorah (2019).

  13. Gen 50:14 is prepared by Gen 50:8b:

    בראשית נ:ח וְכֹל בֵּית יוֹסֵף וְאֶחָיו וּבֵית אָבִיו רַק טַפָּם וְצֹאנָם וּבְקָרָם עָזְבוּ בְּאֶרֶץ גֹּשֶׁן.
    Gen 50:8 together with all of Joseph's household, his brothers, and his father's household; only their children, their flocks, and their herds were left in the region of Goshen.

    See Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story, 53.

  14. On Gen 50:14 see Jan Christian Gertz, “The Transition between the Books of Genesis and Exodus,” in A Farewell to the Yahwist? The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Interpretation, ed. Thomas B. Dozeman and Konrad Schmid, SBL Symposium 34 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), 73–87. The Priestly text had a very slim narrative bridge between Genesis and Exodus, see e.g. the traditional attributions by Noth, Überlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch (see n. 4), 18: Gen 37:1, 2a*, 2b; 41:46a; 46:6–7(, 8–27); 47:27b, 28; 48:3–6; 49:1a, 29–33; 50:12–13; Exod 1:1–7, 13–14. An overview of scholarship is available in “The So-Called Yahwist and the Literary Gap between Genesis and Exodus,” in A Farewell to the Yahwist? The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Interpretation, ed. Thomas B. Dozeman and Konrad Schmid, SBL Symposium 34 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), 29–50, see the chart on p. 44. See also Christoph Berner and Harald Samuel (eds.), Book-Seams in the Hexateuch I: The Literary Transition between the Books of Genesis/Exodus and Joshua/Judges (FAT 120; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018).

  15. On the promises in the non-Priestly Genesis, see Joel Baden, The Promises to the Patriarchs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013) on the one hand, and Reinhard G. Kratz, “Die Verheißungen an die Erzväter: Die Konstruktion ethnischer Identität Israels,” in The Politics of the Ancestors. Exegetical and Historical Perspectives on Genesis 12–36, ed. Mark G. Brett and Jakob Wöhrle in collaboration with Friederike Neumann, FAT 124 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2018), 35–66, on the other hand.

  16. Editor’s note: For the likelihood that such a viewpoint undergirds the opening of Chronicles, see David Frankel, “The Book of Chronicles and the Ephraimites that Never Went to Egypt,” TheTorah (2015).

  17. The one exception is the Covenant between the Parts in Genesis 15. This text, however, is a later supplement, which does not fit its context, and is even makes use of some Priestly texts and terminology. For a discussion see Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story, 158–171.

  18. For more on this text, see Albert de Pury, “The Jacob story and the beginning of the formation of the Pentateuch,” in A Farewell to the Yahwist? The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Interpretation, ed. Thomas B. Dozeman and Konrad Schmid, SBL Symposium 34 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), 51–73; Noam Cohen, “Hosea’s Characterization of Jacob,” TheTorah (2019). Amos 3:11; Mic 7:20; Ezek 20:5; 33:24, which seem to imply the same thing, but limited space does not allow a detailed discussion at this point. See my Genesis and the Moses Story, 70–80.

  19. On their historical setting and sociological background see my Genesis and the Moses Story, 106–117, 144–155.

  20. As already Albrecht Alt noted in this theory of the “God of the Fathers” (1929), the book of Genesis seems to know of traditions that the God of the ancestors was—in historical terms—not called from the very beginning YHWH, but “the Mighty one of Jacob,” “the shield of Abraham” or “the terror of Isaac.” While much of what Alt proposed is obsolete by now (see Matthias Köckert, Vätergott und Väterverheißungen: Eine Auseinandersetzung mit Albrecht Alt und seinen Erben [FRLANT 142: Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988]), his core observation is that in Genesis, the identity of the God of the Fathers is not necessarily YHWH in all the passages. For example, the self-introduction of YHWH to Jacob in Gen 28:13, “I am YHWH,” at least shows some awareness of the author of this passage, that God needs to introduce himself as YHWH to Jacob, and that Jacob does not necessarily know which deity is revealing itself to him (see also Gen 46:2-4).

  21. The generic Elohim (meaning “God”) is sometimes used in the Moses story, but we do not get the variety of epithets that appear in Genesis. Documentary scholars suggest that P adopts the theological concept of E, following the story in Exodus 3:13–15, in which Moses tells God that he does not know God’s name and God answers that it is YHWH. Such an approach, however, does not work for those who think that E is not a real source and that many texts traditionally ascribed to E are likely to be supplements that often even post-date P. See the detailed discussion in my Genesis and the Moses Story, 172–193. (Notably, the explanation that P took it from E also doesn’t work for neo-documentarians, who believe that P was not aware of E.)

  22. Herodotus (Hist. 1,134) reports a similar concentric worldview for the Persians.

  23. Within P, there is no direct divine speech addressed to Ishmael or to Esau, but, according to P, intermarriage is possible within the Abrahamic peoples: Israelite men may marry Ishmaelite (Gen 28:6–9) or Edomite women, but not Hittite or Canaanite women (Gen 26:34; 27:46); see Albert de Pury, “Pg as the Absolute Beginning,” in Thomas Römer and Konrad Schmid (eds.), Les dernières rédactions du Pentateuque, de l'Hexateuque et de l'Ennéateuque (BEThL 203; Leuven: Peeters, 2007), 99–128 = idem, Die Patriarchen und die Priesterschrift. Les Patriarches et le document sacerdotal. Gesammelte Studien zu seinem 70. Geburtstag. Recueil d‘articles, à l‘occasion de son 70e anniversaire (ATANT 99; Zürich: TVZ, 2010), 13–42.

  24. The shift to YHWH, at any rate, is necessary in P, because YHWH is the deity’s name in the cult that is revealed on Sinai. You cannot bring sacrifices to Elohim or to El Shaddai (in P, no one offers a sacrifice before Moses, not even Noah), only to YHWH.

  25. See the discussion between Joel S. Baden, “The Continuity of the Non-Priestly Narrative from Genesis to Exodus,” Biblica 93 (2012): 161–186, and Konrad Schmid, “Genesis and Exodus as Two Formerly Independent Traditions of Origins for Ancient Israel,” Biblica 93 (2012), 187–208.

  26. Of course, such a polar opposition is an over-simplification, but it points nevertheless to a basic difference between the two blocks of tradition.