Megillat Antiochus: The “Biblical” Chanukah Scroll

For a minor Jewish festival with no biblical command or account as its origin, Chanukah plays a major role in the Jewish yearly cycle. It includes a highly visible formal ritual —the lighting of the chanukiah/menorah—its own liturgy, folk practices like spinning the dreidel and eating latkes, jelly donuts, and chocolate coins, and the singing of catchy tunes. For many diasporic Jews, Chanukah is the Jewish answer to Christmas while, for many Israelis, it provides an opportunity to reflect upon Jewish military might.

What does Chanukah celebrate? The books of 1 and 2 Maccabees present the earliest and most comprehensive versions of the story, but as they were not accorded canonical status by Jews, they were soon lost to Jewish tradition—though preserved by Christians in the Apocrypha.^[1] In contrast to Purim, whose story is told in the biblical book of Esther, traditional Jews for millennia relied mostly on bits and pieces preserved in the Chanukah liturgy, the Talmud, rabbinic midrash, and collective memory.^[2] Thus, most Jews throughout the ages were aware of some form of persecution, Judah Maccabee, a hard-fought war won, and something about a miracle involving oil.

To fill this gap, an author living in the mid to late first millennium C.E. composed the Megillat Antiochus (The Scroll of Antiochus; also known as “The Greek Scroll” and “The Scroll of the House of the Hasmoneans”), which presents itself as the narrative explaining the events leading up to Chanukah. The author has little direct access to more historical sources like 1 and 2 Maccabees, and he uses biblical and rabbinic ones as well as his own expansions and Jewish collective memory to tell the story.

Megillat Antiochus was written in something akin to Late Jewish Literary Aramaic, yet, at the same time, anyone familiar with Biblical (i.e., imperial) Aramaic would sense that the text wishes to give a feel as if it were composed in that dialect,^[3] by deploying words and forms that characterize Biblical Aramaic but were no longer used in later Aramaic dialects.^[4] In addition, it copies, draws on, riffs upon, and develops the language and narrative style of Daniel, Ezra, and the book of Esther to enrich and inform its overarching narrative.^[5]

The Openings of Megillat Antiochus and Megillat Esther

Megillat Antiochus begins by describing the extent of Antiochus’s kingdom and the central role of his capital. The opening mimics the style of the opening of the book of Esther, the main biblical text that influenced its author in constructing his storyline:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס א} וַהוָה בְיוֹמֵי אַנטְיוּכַס מַלכָא דְיָוָן מַלַך רַב וְתַקִיף הוה וְחַסִין בְשֻּׁלטָנוּתֵיה וְכָל מַלכַיָא יִשׁתַמעוּן לֵיה׃ ^ב הוּא כבש מְדִינָן סַגִיאָן וֵמַלכִין תַקִיפִין אַסַר וְאַצדִי בירניתהון וְהֵיכְלֵיהוֹן אוקיד בְנוּרָא וְגִבָרֵיהוֺן בְאֵיסָר אַסַר:

^{Meg. Ant. 1} It came to pass during the time of Antiochus king of Greece—he was a mighty and powerful ruler and his governance was strong, and all kings were obedient to him. ² He subdued many provinces, imprisoned powerful rulers, destroyed their citadels, set their palaces ablaze in fire, and imprisoned their warriors.

The resonance to the opening of the book of Esther about Ahasuerus’ kingdom is clear:

^{אסתר א:א} וַיְהִי בִּימֵי אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ הוּא אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ הַמֹּלֵךְ מֵהֹדּוּ וְעַד כּוּשׁ שֶׁבַע וְעֶשְׂרִים וּמֵאָה מְדִינָה׃ ^א:ב בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם כְּשֶׁבֶת הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ עַל כִּסֵּא מַלְכוּתוֹ אֲשֶׁר בְּשׁוּשַׁן הַבִּירָה.

^{Esth 1:1} And it came to pass during the time of Ahasuerus, the same Ahasuerus who ruled over one hundred twenty-seven provinces from India to Ethiopia. ^1:2 In those days when King Ahasuerus sat on his royal throne in the citadel of Susa.^[6]

The depiction of Antiochus is more martial and aggressive than that of Ahasuerus, likely because he, unlike Ahasuerus, remains the villain throughout. Also, he is said to have established his own capital city:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס ג} הוּא בְנָא מְדִינְתָא רַבְתָא עַל סְפַר יַמָא לְמִהוֵי לֵיה לְבֵית מַלכוּ וּקרָא לַה אנטוכיא עַל שְמֵיה:

^{Meg. Ant. 3} He constructed a large city on the shore of the sea to serve as his royal residence, and he named it Ant[i]ochia (אנטוכיא) after his own name.

Assuming the text is describing Antioch on the Orantes (there were many Antiochs), this city was not established by Antiochus IV but in ca. 300 B.C.E., by Seleucus I Nicator, one of Alexander the Great’s generals, who founded the Seleucid kingdom.

Antiochus’ general Bagras—possibly a garbled reference to Bacchides, the general from 1 Maccabees who defeats Judah Maccabee^[7]—does the same:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס ד} וְאַף בַגרַס תִניָנֵיה בְנָא [לֵיה] מְדִינְתָא אוחרנתא לְקִבלַה וּקרָא לַה [מְדִינַת] בַגרַס וְכֵין שְׁמָהָתְהוֺן עד דְנָא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 4} And Bagras his viceroy, also built a city equally great and called it Bagras after his name and so are they called to this day.

Antiochus, Like Haman

Then in his 23^rd year, Antiochus decides to attack Jerusalem. He explains the cause to “his companions” (להַדָבְרוֹהִי)—a word that appears only four times in the Bible, all in the book of Daniel.^[8] The word was likely a specific administrative term that fell out of use once the position ceased to exist. It is used here for its biblical feel:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס ו} עָנֵה וְאָמַר להַדָבְרוֹהִי הְלָא יָדעִיתוּן עַמָא דיהודאי דִי בִיהוּד בֵינָתַנָא לְאֵילָהַנָא לָא פָלְחִין ונימוסנא לָא עָבְדִין וְדָתֵי מַלכָא שָבְקִין לְמַעבַד דתֵיהוֹן׃ ^ז וְאַף אינון מְסַבְרִין לְיוֹם תְבָר מַלכַיָא וְשִׁלטוֹנַיָא וְאָמְרִין אִמַתִי ימלוך [עלנא] מלכנא וְנִשלוֹט בְיַמָא וּביַבַשׁתָא וְכָל עָלְמָא יִתמְסַר בִידַנָא לֵית רְבוּת מַלכוּתָא לְמִשׁבַק אִלֵין עַל אַפֵי אַרעָא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 6} He spoke up and said to his companions: ‘Are you not aware there are a people among us – the Judeans who are in Yehud – who do not worship our gods or observe our law? They abandon the laws of the king in order to observe their own laws! ⁷ They also long for the day when rulers and authorities are shattered, and they say: “When will our own king rule [over us]? We will gain authority over both sea and land, and the entire world will be delivered into our power!” The majesty of the kingdom cannot permit these (people to remain) on the surface of the earth!

Antiochus’ comments to his companions, complaining about how displeased he is by the Jews, who are said to disobey his ordinances and follow their own laws, replicate those of Haman, when he asks Ahasuerus permission to exterminate the Jews of Persia:

^{אסתר ג:ח} וַיֹּאמֶר הָמָן לַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ יֶשְׁנוֹ עַם־אֶחָד מְפֻזָּר וּמְפֹרָד בֵּין הָעַמִּים בְּכֹל מְדִינוֹת מַלְכוּתֶךָ וְדָתֵיהֶם שֹׁנוֹת מִכָּל־עָם וְאֶת־דָּתֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ אֵינָם עֹשִׂים וְלַמֶּלֶךְ אֵין־שׁוֶֹה לְהַנִּיחָם׃

^{Esth 3:8} Then Haman said to King Ahasuerus, “There is a certain people scattered and separated among the peoples in all the provinces of your kingdom; their laws are different from those of every other people, and they do not keep the king’s laws, so that it is not appropriate for the king to tolerate them.”

Thus, Megillat Antiochus paints its villain in the same colors as the villain from the book of Esther. This framing of Jerusalem and its people also echoes the fourth chapter of Ezra, in which opponents of Jerusalem’s rebuilding campaign write a letter to the king of Persia to encourage him to view Jerusalem as a historically rebellious city that ought to remain in ruins (see more later), and the Persian king issues a decree to stop the work of rebuilding Jerusalem. In this case, the evil king is the one who has the idea.

Yochanan, son of Mattathias—Not Judah

Antiochus’ companions accept his plan, and so he sends his general Nicanor to defile the Temple. Nicanor indeed appears in both 1 and 2 Maccabees as one Antiochus’ generals, but it is Judah Maccabee who defeats him, leading to the establishment of the minor Jewish festival on the 13^th of Adar, Nicanor Day.^[9] In Megillat Antiochus, however, it is Yochanan son of Mattathias^[10] who fights Nicanor:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס יג} וִכדִי שְמַע יוֹחָנָן בַר מתתיה יָת פִתגָמַיָא הָאִלֵין אִתמְלִי רְגַז וְחֵימָא וּצלֵים אַנפוֹהִי אִשׁתַנִי וְאִתמְלִיך בְלִבֵיהי מָא לְמַעבַד עַל דְנָא.

^{Meg. Ant. 13} Now when Yoḥanan bar Metatyah heard about these things, he was filled with anger and wrath. The form of his face changed, and he took counsel in his heart about what to do about this.

Yochanan’s reaction is described using phrases from the book of Daniel:

^{דניאל ג:יט} בֵּאדַיִן נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר הִתְמְלִי חֱמָא וּצְלֵם אַנְפּוֹהִי אֶשְׁתַּנִּו עַל־שַׁדְרַךְ מֵישַׁךְ וַעֲבֵד נְגוֹ עָנֵה וְאָמַר לְמֵזֵא לְאַתּוּנָא חַד־שִׁבְעָה עַל דִּי חֲזֵה לְמֵזְיֵהּ:

^{Dan 3:19} Then Nebuchadnezzar was so filled with rage against Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego that his face was distorted. He ordered the furnace heated up seven times more than was customary,

In this example, Megillat Antiochus updates Biblical Aramaic’s התמלי to a more contemporary אתמלי.^[11] Megillat Antiochus also changes the verse in Daniel ever so slightly to accentuate Yohanan’s rage, by adding “anger” to “wrath.” But, here too, the author draws on an earlier verse in this chapter: ‏ בֵּאדַיִן נְבוּכַדְנֶצַּר בִּרְגַז וַחֲמָה“And then, Nebuchadnezzar, with anger and wrath…” (Dan 3:13).

Yochanan Like Mordechai

Yochanan decides to approach Nicanor at the Temple, and promises to do whatever Nicanor asks of him:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס יט} עָנֵה נִיקָנוֹר וְאַמַר לְיוֹחָנָן הָא כְמִצביִי אַת בָעֵי סַב חֻזִירָא ונכסיה לְצִלמָא וְאַלבְשִׁינָך לְבוּשָׁא דְמַלכוּתָא וְאַרכֵבִינָך עַל סוסיא דְמַלכָא [או: דמלכות] וּכחַד מִן רָחְמֵי מַלכָא תִהוִי׃

^{Meg. Ant. 19} Nicanor spoke up and said to Yoḥanan: “Lo, you seek my favor? Take a pig and sacrifice it to this statue! (Do so) and I will clothe you with a royal garment, I will mount you on (one of) the king’s horses, and you will become like one of the friends of the king!”

This promise mirrors that iconic request and scene in the book of Esther where Haman wishes this honor for himself only to be told to do so for Mordechai:

^{אסתר ו:ח} יָבִיאוּ לְבוּשׁ מַלְכוּת אֲשֶׁר לָבַשׁ בּוֹ הַמֶּלֶךְ וְסוּס אֲשֶׁר רָכַב עָלָיו הַמֶּלֶךְ וַאֲשֶׁר נִתַּן כֶּתֶר מַלְכוּת בְּרֹאשׁוֹ. ט וְנָתוֹן הַלְּבוּשׁ וְהַסּוּס עַל יַד אִישׁ מִשָּׂרֵי הַמֶּלֶךְ הַפַּרְתְּמִים וְהִלְבִּישׁוּ אֶת הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר הַמֶּלֶךְ חָפֵץ בִּיקָרוֹ וְהִרְכִּיבֻהוּ עַל הַסּוּס בִּרְחוֹב הָעִיר...

^{Esth 6:8} Let royal garb which the king has worn be brought, and a horse on which the king has ridden and on whose head a royal diadem has been set; and let the attire and the horse be put in the charge of one of the king’s noble courtiers. ^6:9 And let the man whom the king desires to honor be attired and paraded on the horse through the city square…

Yochanan refuses to comply, prays to God for strength to withstand Nicanor, and then kills him:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס כד} בַה שָׁעְתָא פְסַע לְוָתֵיה תְלָת פִסעִין וּדקַר חַרבָא בְלִבֵיה וּרמָא יָתֵיה קְטִילָא בְעַזַרתָא דְקוּדשָׁא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 24} He immediately took three steps toward him and thrust his sword into his heart. He then threw his corpse into the holy court.

Yochanan then beseeches God not to be angry for his having killed Nicanor in the Temple—except in rare cases, the Temple was supposed to shelter from death, not be a site of it (e.g. Exod 21:14; 1 Kings 1:50–3). Yohanan then leads the people of Judea in war against the oppressors, whom he defeats, and who escape back to Antiochus. Then he builds a structure in memory of this victory:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס כח} בֵמוֹתְבָוּתֵיה בְנָא מְנָרְתָא וּקרא שְמַה מַקבֵי קַטלָא תַקִיפִין׃

^{Meg. Ant. 28} At his residence he built a minaret and proclaimed its name (to be) “Maqbey (=Maccabee), killer of strong ones.”

The Second Round of War: Bagras

Having suffered defeat, Antiochus sends another general, Bagras, with instructions to cancel the observance of the Shabbat, New Moon, and circumcision:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס לא} ... כְעַן אֵיתוֹ וְנִסַק עְלֵיהוֹן וּנבַטֵיל מִנְהוֹן קִיָמָא דִגזִיר עְלֵיהוֹן שַבתָא וְיַרחָא וּמהוּלתָא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 31} “… Come, let us go up against them, and destroy the covenant their god has made with them through their Sabbaths, the new-moon [festival observance], and circumcision.”^[12]

Bagras proceeds to Judea, persecuting the people and slaughtering many, but the Judeans fight back. One woman even circumcises her son and then commits a murder-suicide in public:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס לו} עַנַת וְאַמַרַת לָך אָמְרִין בַגרַס חַיָיבָא קִיָמָא דַאְבָהָתַנָא לָא יִפסוּק מננא וְלָא מִבְנֵי בננא וְאַפֵילַת יָת בְרַה לִתחוֹת שׁוּרָא וּנפַלַת בתריה וְמִיתוּ תַרוֵיהוֹן...

^{Meg. Ant. 36} She cried out and said: “Go, inform the wicked Bagras that the covenant of our ancestors will never cease (being observed) among us or our descendants!” She then cast her son down to the base of the wall, and she flung herself after him, so that the two of them perished….^[13]

Some Jews then run to a cave so they can observe Shabbat, but Bagras’s men follow them and try to tempt them out with food and drink, but the Jews refuse, saying that it would be better to die than to violate the Sabbath after which Bagras’ soldiers burn them to death.^[14]

At this point, Yochanan and his four brothers, all sons of Mattathias, attack Bagras’ army, and he flees back to Antiochus, claiming that these brothers are unbeatable:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס מד} עָנֵה בַגרַס וְאָמַר לְאַנטְיוּכַס מַלכָא אנת מַלכָא שַֹמתָ טְעֵים לְבַטָלָה מִן יְהוּד שַׁבתָא וְיַרחָא וּמהוּלתָא ואשתדור רַב בְגַוַה ואלו אַתוֹ עליהון כָל עַמְמַיָא אוּמַיָא וְלִישָנַיָא לָא כָהְלִין לְחַמשָה בְנֵי מְתַתיָה דִי אִינוּן מִן אַריָוָן תַקִיפִין וְמִן נִשרִין קַלִילִין וְמִן דוּבִין חַצִיפִין

^{Meg. Ant. 44} Bagras spoke up and said to King Antiochus: “O King, you gave a command to abolish (the observance of) Sabbath, new moon, and circumcision from Yehud, and there is (now) a fierce rebellion there. (Even) if every nation, people, and language group were to come against them, they could not prevail over the five sons of Mattathias, for they are mightier than lions, swifter than eagles, and bolder than bears.”

The verb כהל “to prevail” occurs several times in Daniel (2:26; 4:15; 5:8; 5:15), as does the phrase עַמְמַיָא אוּמַיָא וְלִישָנַיָא “nation, people, and language group,” which also features in Daniel (3:4, 7, 31; 5:19; 6:26; and 7:14). The use of the extremely rare word אשתדור “rebellion” recalls the letter of complaint about Jerusalem to the king of Persia mentioned above:

^{עזרא ד:טו} דִּי יְבַקַּר בִּסְפַר־דָּכְרָנַיָּא דִּי אֲבָהָתָךְ וּתְהַשְׁכַּח בִּסְפַר דָּכְרָנַיָּא וְתִנְדַּע דִּי קִרְיְתָא דָךְ קִרְיָא מָרָדָא וּמְהַנְזְקַת מַלְכִין וּמְדִנָן וְאֶשְׁתַּדּוּר עָבְדִין בְּגַוַּהּ מִן־יוֹמָת עָלְמָא עַל־דְּנָה קִרְיְתָא דָךְ הָחָרְבַת:

^{Ezra 4:15} So that a search may be made in the annals of your ancestors. You will discover in the annals that this is a rebellious city, hurtful to kings and provinces, and that sedition was stirred up in it from long ago. On that account this city was laid waste.

Similarly, the phrase שַֹמתָ טְעֵים לְבַטָלָה “you gave a command to abolish” draws on the response the Persian king makes to the petition:

^{עזרא ד:כא} כְּעַן שִׂימוּ טְּעֵם לְבַטָּלָא גֻּבְרַיָּא אִלֵּךְ וְקִרְיְתָא דָךְ לָא תִתְבְּנֵא עַד־מִנִּי טַעְמָא יִתְּשָׂם׃

^{Ezra 4:21} Therefore issue an order that these people be made to cease, and that this city not be rebuilt, until I make a decree.

Sending Letters like Ahasuerus

Bagras then suggests Antiochus IV gather a huge army with elephants, which Antiochus does:

^{מגילת אנטוכוס מו} לָכֵן שְׁלַח אִגָרְתָא בכל מִדִינַת מַלכוּתָך וייתון רברבני חֵילָוָתָא וְעִמְהוֹן כָל עַמְמַיָא וְאַף פֵילַיָא מְלוּבָשֵי שִריַנָא׃ ^מז אֵידַיִן שְׁפַר פתגמא בְעֵינֵי אַנטְיוּכַס (מלכא) וּשׁלַח וּקרָא לְרַברְבֵני מַלכוּתֵיה ואתו כָל עַמְמַיָא וְעִמְהוֹן פֵילַיָא מְלוּבָשֵי שרינא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 46} “Instead, send a letter throughout every province of your kingdom, and the nobles of the armies will come bringing with them all nations and also elephants covered with armor.” ⁴⁷ Now the proposal was pleasing in the eyes of (King) Antiochus. He sent for and summoned the nobles of his kingdom, and all the nations came accompanied by elephants covered with armor.

The motif of the king sending a letter out to his people based on the suggestion of his advisors is also a theme taken from the book of Esther,

^{אסתר ג:יג} וְנִשְׁלוֹחַ סְפָרִים בְּיַד הָרָצִים אֶל־כָּל־מְדִינוֹת הַמֶּלֶךְ לְהַשְׁמִיד לַהֲרֹג וּלְאַבֵּד אֶת־כָּל־הַיְּהוּדִים מִנַּעַר וְעַד־זָקֵן טַף וְנָשִׁים בְּיוֹם אֶחָד בִּשְׁלוֹשָׁה עָשָׂר לְחֹדֶשׁ שְׁנֵים־עָשָׂר הוּא־חֹדֶשׁ אֲדָר וּשְׁלָלָם לָבוֹז׃

^{Esth 3:13} Letters were sent by couriers to all the king’s provinces, giving orders to destroy, to kill, and to annihilate all Jews, young and old, women and children, in one day, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is the month of Adar, and to plunder their goods.

In Megillat Antiochus, however, the theme of the Seleucid king’s famous elephants—familiar from the books of Maccabees (e.g 1 Macc 6:35 and 2 Macc 13:15)—spices up the tale.

The Varying Ends of Antiochus and Ahasuerus

The implicit comparisons between Antiochus and Ahasuerus made in Megillat Antiochus highlight the very different ends of these two kings. As the reader expects, despite Bagras’ advice, Antiochus fails in his offensive against Jerusalem. When the army of Bagras arrives, the brothers first declare a fast (v. 51)—like Esther does (4:16)—and go to their father Mattathias, who gives them a blessing.

Then they lead the battle against the Greek army, and Judah (Maccabee) is killed in battle. When they return to their father to say all is lost, he calms them by offering to lead them in battle himself, and the success is total. Eliezer is so successful at killing elephants that his brothers find him covered in elephant excrement after the battle (57–58).^[15]

The people then rejoice at their triumph and burn Bagras (alive?) for good measure. When Antiochus hears that Bagras’ army is destroyed and the general killed, he runs away, and eventually commits suicide:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס ס} וְאַנטְיוּכַס מַלכָא כַד שְמַע דִי אִתקְטִיל בַגרַס תניניה וְכָל רברבנוהי דְעִמֵיה יְתֵיב בִספִינְתָא וַעְרַק לַאְפַרכֵי יַמָא וְכָל אְתַר דְיֵיתֵי מָרְדִין בֵיה וְאָמְרִין לֵיה עָרִיקָא עָרִיקָא וּרמָא בֵנַפְשֵיה לְיַמָא

^{Meg. Ant. 60} When King Antiochus heard that his second-in-command Bagras had been killed along with all his nobles who had accompanied him, he boarded a ship and fled to the islands of the sea. Every place that he came to rebelled against him, saying to him: “Fugitive! Fugitive!” He cast himself into the sea.

This depiction strongly contrasts with the end of the book of Esther, according to which Ahasuerus accepts Esther’s Jewish identity, kills his wicked advisor Haman, elevates Mordechai to the position of vizier, and succeeds in placing “the islands” underneath his imperial rule:

^{אסתר י:א} וַיָּשֶׂם הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחָשֵׁרֹשׁ מַס עַל־הָאָרֶץ וְאִיֵּי הַיָּם:

^{Esth 10:1} King Ahasuerus laid tribute on the land and on the islands of the sea.

In other words, he rests secure on his throne and is able to levy taxes across the breadth of his empire successfully. The divergent road marker is of theological and historical significance: Antiochus, who was determined to eliminate the Jews, loses control of the islands and dies in despair; Ahasuerus, who joined with the Jews, triumphs over the islands and builds his empire.

Establishing Chanukah Like Purim

The Judeans purify the Temple and find the flask of pure oil which miraculously lasts eight days, a miracle otherwise recorded in a baraita only cited within the Babylonian Talmud. The Hasmoneans then declare Chanukah to be a permanent holiday, like the ones in the Bible:

^{מגילת אנטיוכוס סד} עַל כֵן^[16] קַיִימוּ בְנֵי חַשמוּנַאי הַדֵין קְיָימָא וַאְסַרוּ הַדֵין אְסָרָא אִינוּן וּבנֵי יִשֹרָאֵל כוּלְהוֹן׃ ^סה לְהוֹדָעָא לִבנֵי יִשֹרָאֵל לְמַעְבַד הַדֵין תְמָנָיא יוֹמִין חַדוָא וִיקָר כְיוֹמֵי מוֹעְדַיָא דִכתִיבִין בְאוֹרָיתָא לְאַדלָקא בְהוֹן לְהוֹדָעָא לְמַן דְיֵיתֵי מִבָתְרֵיהוֹן אְרֵי עְבַד לְהוֹן אְלָהְהוֹן פֻרקָנָא מִן שְמַיָא׃

^{Meg. Ant. 64} Therefore the Hasmoneans swore this oath, and they and all the children of Israel ⁶⁵ took upon themselves this binding vow to inform the children of Israel to observe this (sic) eight days (as a time of) joy and honor like the days of the festivals which are inscribed in the Torah – to light (lamps) on them to indicate to whomever comes after them that their God effected deliverance for them from Heaven.

The phrasing here mimics that of Mordechai’s establishment of Purim at the end of the book of Esther. And, in distinction to most of its prose, Megillat Antiochus’ verse opens with two words in Hebrew as opposed to Aramaic. It matches our key verse in Esther:

^{אסתר ט:כו} עַל כֵּן קָרְאוּ לַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה פוּרִים עַל שֵׁם הַפּוּר עַל כֵּן עַל כָּל דִּבְרֵי הָאִגֶּרֶת הַזֹּאת וּמָה רָאוּ עַל כָּכָה וּמָה הִגִּיעַ אֲלֵיהֶם. ^ט:כז קִיְּמוּ וקבל [וְקִבְּלוּ] הַיְּהוּדִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְעַל זַרְעָם וְעַל כָּל הַנִּלְוִים עֲלֵיהֶם וְלֹא יַעֲבוֹר לִהְיוֹת עֹשִׂים אֵת שְׁנֵי הַיָּמִים הָאֵלֶּה כִּכְתָבָם וְכִזְמַנָּם בְּכָל שָׁנָה וְשָׁנָה.

^{Esth 9:26} For that reason these days were named Purim, after pur. In view, then, of all the instructions in the said letter and of what they had experienced in that matter and what had befallen them, ^9:27 the Jews undertook and irrevocably obligated themselves and their descendants, and all who might join them, to observe these two days in the manner prescribed and at the proper time each year.

Even the small phrase חַדוָא וִיקָר “joy and honor” call to mind the verse about Mordechai:

^{אסתר ח:טז} לַיְּהוּדִים הָיְתָה אוֹרָה וְשִׂמְחָה וְשָׂשֹׂן וִיקָר:

^{Esth 8:16} For the Jews there was light and gladness, joy and honor.

When we consider how the author tells the story using biblical parallels from Esther and Ezra, biblical Aramaic from Daniel and Ezra, and ending with the establishment of the festival of Chanukah “like the days of the festivals which are inscribed in the Torah” we can see that the goal here was to write a pseudo-biblical book to serve as the megillah for Chanukah.

A (Pseudo)Biblical Reception?

Megillat Antiochus works hard to convince its readers of its biblical feel. The book never could have become part of the Tanakh: The Jewish biblical canon was closed well before Megillat Antiochus was conceived. Nevertheless, the text convinced the author of the 9^th century Sefer Halakhot Gedolot of its ancient pedigree:

^{הלכות גדולות עה} זקני בית שמאי וזקני בית הילל הם כתבו מגלת בית חשמונאי ועד עכשיו לא עלה לדורות עד שיעמוד כהן לאורים ותומים...

^{Halakhot Gedolot 74} The elders of the schools of Shammai and Hillel wrote the Scroll of the Hasmoneans, and [from then] until now, it has not been canonized for the generations, until a priest with the Urim and Tummim arises…^[17]

The material connection between the Scroll of Esther and that of Antiochus goes back at least to Saʿadia Gaon (882–942). One of the earliest authorities to reference this text, Saʿadia claims that he saw a copy divided into verses, and that he himself outfitted a version with vocalization and cantillation.^[18] Saadia’s preface to an edition of Megillat Antiochus strongly suggests that the text followed the Scroll of Esther in his Bible commentaries.^[19]

Some medieval scribes also copied Megillat Antiochus into biblical codices. Parma 1832 (15^th century), for example, contains all of Tanakh—and Megillat Antiochus, which is copied as the conclusion of the כתובים “Writings.” And Parma 2018 (1484)—a manuscript devoted to the Torah, Haftarot, and Five Scrolls—contains Megillat Antiochus as a sixth of the Five Scrolls. The phenomenon is especially represented in Italian manuscripts since the Italian rite included the liturgical recitation of Megillat Antiochus on Chanukah.^[20]⁠ R. Isaiah deTrani (Rid, ca. 1180 – ca. 1250) explains that while it is a custom, it is not a halakhic requirement and shouldn’t be treated as such:

^{תוספות רי"ד סוכה מד:} וכן נמי מקום שנוהגין לקרוא מגילת אנטיוכוס בחנוכה אין ראוי לברך עלי' מפני שאין שורש חובה כלל.

^{Tosafot Rid Sukkah 44b} So too, where the custom is to recite Megillat Antiochus on Chanukah, one should not recite a blessing upon it, since there is no basis to the obligation at all.

Nevertheless, vocalization and verse divisions appear in numerous medieval manuscripts of Megillat Antiochus, giving it a quasi-biblical status.^[21] Some copies even conclude with some version of the following Masoretic-style note:

נשלמה המגלת יונית ופסוקיה שבעים וארבעה וסימן ע״ד ולא אמעד.

The Greek Scroll is complete. Its verses are seventy-four, and its sign is ayin-dalet [i.e. the way that we may remember that it contains seventy-four verses is that it corresponds to the ayin, whose numerical value is seventy, plus dalet, whose numerical value is four], in ‘without wavering’ (aleph-mem-ayin-dalet) (Ps 26:1) [i.e., the Hasmoneans did not waver in protecting Judaism].^[22]⁠