The Book of Amos: A Retrospect on the Fall of Israel

Written as a commentary on the social injustice in the kingdom of Israel at a high point of its wealth and power, the book of Amos explains to exiled Israelites why they were punished and warns Judahites not to fall into the same trap.

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The Book of Amos: A Retrospect on the Fall of Israel

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The book of Amos stands out as a ferocious critique of callous social injustice and economic inequality. It castigates the brazen hypocrisy of pious worship by those who perpetrate the exploitation of their fellow human beings. Creditors commodified their borrowers, drowning them in interest and then foreclosing on even small debts, trapping the borrowers into debt slavery.[1] This is expressed most clearly in the book’s second chapter, where Israel is rebuked:

עמוס ב:ו ...עַל מִכְרָם בַּכֶּסֶף צַדִּיק וְאֶבְיוֹן בַּעֲבוּר נַעֲלָיִם. ב:ז הַשֹּׁאֲפִים עַל עֲפַר אֶרֶץ בְּרֹאשׁ דַּלִּים וְדֶרֶךְ עֲנָוִים יַטּוּ.
Amos 2:6 …Because they have sold for silver those whose cause was just and the needy for a pair of sandals, 2:7 you who trample the heads of the poor into the dust of the ground and make the humble walk a twisted course.[2]

It describes how the upper class took enjoyment from the property squeezed from the poor and reveled in conspicuous consumption of luxury goods while their economic victims suffered with scarcity and want:

עמוס ב:ח וְעַל בְּגָדִים חֲבֻלִים יַטּוּ אֵצֶל כָּל מִזְבֵּחַ וְיֵין עֲנוּשִׁים יִשְׁתּוּ בֵּית אֱלֹהֵיהֶם.
Amos 2:8 They recline by every altar on garments taken in pledge, and drink in the house of their God wine bought with fines they imposed.
עמוס ו:ד הַשֹּׁכְבִים עַל מִטּוֹת שֵׁן וּסְרֻחִים עַל עַרְשׂוֹתָם וְאֹכְלִים כָּרִים מִצֹּאן וַעֲגָלִים מִתּוֹךְ מַרְבֵּק.
Amos 6:4 They lie on ivory beds, lolling on their couches, feasting on lambs from the flock and calves from the stalls.

It is fitting that part of the book of Amos is read as the Haftarah in the Ashkenazi tradition[3] for Parashat Kedoshim, which contains that pinnacle of Torah ethics, to love both neighbor (Lev 19:18) and stranger (Lev 19:34) as one’s self.[4]

The book of Amos, with its strong ethical demands, presents YHWH calling upon his hearers to דִּרְשׁוּנִי וִחְיוּ “seek me and live” (Amos 5:4, similarly 5:6) and to דִּרְשׁוּ טוֹב וְאַל רָע “seek good and not evil” (Amos 5:14, similarly 5:15).

Retrospective History

The book opens with a claim that Amos prophesied during the overlapping reigns of King Uzziah of Judah and King Jeroboam II of Israel:

עמוס א:א דִּבְרֵי עָמוֹס אֲשֶׁר הָיָה בַנֹּקְדִים מִתְּקוֹעַ אֲשֶׁר חָזָה עַל יִשְׂרָאֵל בִּימֵי עֻזִּיָּה מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה וּבִימֵי יָרָבְעָם בֶּן יוֹאָשׁ מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל שְׁנָתַיִם לִפְנֵי הָרָעַשׁ.
Amos 1:1 The words of Amos, a sheepbreeder from Tekoa, who prophesied concerning Israel in the reigns of Kings Uzziah of Judah and Jeroboam son of Joash of Israel, two years before the earthquake.[5]

This would have been in the 760s B.C.E. This was a high point of Israel’s power, but Amos predicts that Israel will be destroyed because of their ethical failings. This takes place years later when the kingdom of Israel succumbed to a series of Assyrian military campaigns in the 730s and 720s B.C.E., finally collapsing completely in 722–721 B.C.E. Assyria deported many of the Israelites, replacing them with people from elsewhere in the empire, and transformed Israel into the Assyrian province of Samerina.[6]

Amos predicts such a fall by military attack in several places:

עמוס ג:יא לָכֵן כֹּה אָמַר אֲדֹנָי יְ הוִה צַר וּסְבִיב הָאָרֶץ וְהוֹרִד מִמֵּךְ עֻזֵּךְ וְנָבֹזּוּ אַרְמְנוֹתָיִךְ.
Amos 3:11 Assuredly, thus said my Lord YHWH: An enemy, all about the land! He shall strip you of your splendor, and your fortresses shall be plundered.[7]
עמוס ו:יד כִּי הִנְנִי מֵקִים עֲלֵיכֶם בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל נְאֻם יְ הוָה אֱלֹהֵי הַצְּבָאוֹת גּוֹי וְלָחֲצוּ אֶתְכֶם מִלְּבוֹא חֲמָת עַד נַחַל הָעֲרָבָה.
Amos 6:14 But I, O House of Israel, will raise up a nation against you—declares YHWH, the God of Hosts—who will harass you from Lebo-Hamath to the Wadi Arabah.

The book predicts a collapse with mass casualties for the Israelite armies:

עמוס ה:ב נָפְלָה לֹא תוֹסִיף קוּם בְּתוּלַת יִשְׂרָאֵל נִטְּשָׁה עַל אַדְמָתָהּ אֵין מְקִימָהּ. ה:ג כִּי כֹה אָמַר אֲדֹנָי יְ הוִה הָעִיר הַיֹּצֵאת אֶלֶף תַּשְׁאִיר מֵאָה וְהַיּוֹצֵאת מֵאָה תַּשְׁאִיר עֲשָׂרָה לְבֵית יִשְׂרָאֵל.
Amos 5:2 Fallen, not to rise again, is Maiden Israel; abandoned on her soil with none to lift her up. 5:3 For thus said my Lord YHWH about the House of Israel: The town that marches out a thousand strong shall have a hundred left, and the one that marches out a hundred strong shall have but ten left.

Exile is specifically predicted several times, with the upper class exiled first:

עמוס ו:ז לָכֵן עַתָּה יִגְלוּ בְּרֹאשׁ גֹּלִים וְסָר מִרְזַח סְרוּחִים.
Amos 6:7 Assuredly, right soon they shall head the column of exiles; they shall loll no more at festive meals.
עמוס ה:כז וְהִגְלֵיתִי אֶתְכֶם מֵהָלְאָה לְדַמָּשֶׂק
Amos 5:27a As I drive you into exile beyond Damascus

While all of the above is presented as a prediction,[8] it seems more likely that the book of Amos is a retrospective explanation of the fall of the kingdom of Israel rather than a prediction of the fall in advance.[9]

Knowledge of the Destruction of Calneh and Hamath

This argument is supported from how Amos warns the Israelites to observe the fates of the Syrian cities of Calneh and Hamath as examples of strong cities that could not resist the Assyrian forces:

עמוס ו:ב עִבְרוּ כַלְנֵה וּרְאוּ וּלְכוּ מִשָּׁם חֲמַת רַבָּה וּרְדוּ גַת פְּלִשְׁתּים הֲטוֹבִים מִן הַמַּמְלָכוֹת הָאֵלֶּה אִם רַב גְּבוּלָם מִגְּבֻלְכֶם.
Amos 6:2 Cross over to Calneh and see,[10] go from there to Great Hamath, and go down to Gath of the Philistines: Are [you] better than those kingdoms, or is their territory larger than yours?[11]

Assyrian records indicate that Calneh and Hamath were conquered together by Assyria in 738 B.C.E., after the kings from Amos 1:1 had died.[12] Israelites in the time of Jeroboam II would have seen only thriving cities when looking at Calneh and Hamath, but observers a few decades later would be aware that these strong cities fell to Assyria’s westward campaigns that eventually engulfed Israel.[13]

Worship of Assyrian Deities

Further evidence of the books later date can be seen from how Amos accuses Israelites of worshiping Assyrian deities Ashimah, Sikkut, and Kiyyun:

עמוס ח:יד הַנִּשְׁבָּעִים בְּאַשְׁמַת שֹׁמְרוֹן וְאָמְרוּ חֵי אֱלֹהֶיךָ דָּן וְחֵי דֶּרֶךְ בְּאֵר שָׁבַע וְנָפְלוּ וְלֹא יָקוּמוּ עוֹד.
Amos 8:14 Those who swear by Ashimah[14] of Samaria and say, “As your god lives, O Dan” and “As the way of Beer-sheba lives,” they shall fall, and never rise again.
עמוס ה:כו וּנְשָׂאתֶם אֵת סִכּוּת מַלְכְּכֶם וְאֵת כִּיּוּן צַלְמֵיכֶם כּוֹכַב אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אֲשֶׁר עֲשִׂיתֶם לָכֶם.
Amos 5:26 And you shall carry off your “king”—Sikkuth and Kiyyun, the images you have made for yourselves of your astral deity.[15]

Two of these deities, Ashimah and Sikkut, are mentioned in Kings as having been venerated by people transplanted by Assyria into Samaria after Israel was conquered:

מלכים ב יז:כט וַיִּהְיוּ עֹשִׂים גּוֹי גּוֹי אֱלֹהָיו וַיַּנִּיחוּ בְּבֵית הַבָּמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ הַשֹּׁמְרֹנִים גּוֹי גּוֹי בְּעָרֵיהֶם אֲשֶׁר הֵם יֹשְׁבִים שָׁם. יז:ל וְאַנְשֵׁי בָבֶל עָשׂוּ אֶת סֻכּוֹת בְּנוֹת וְאַנְשֵׁי כוּת עָשׂוּ אֶת נֵרְגַל וְאַנְשֵׁי חֲמָת עָשׂוּ אֶת אֲשִׁימָא.
2 Kgs 17:29 Each nation continued to make its own gods and to set them up in the cult places which had been made by the people of Samaria; each nation [set them up] in the towns in which it lived. 17:30 The Babylonians made Sukkot-benot (=Sikkut), and the men of Cuth made Nergal, and the men of Hamath made Ashima.

Thus, it seems clear that these gods were only worshipped in Israel after its conquest by Assyria, not before. Yet Amos speaks about them as a contemporary problem.

In aggregate, this evidence suggests that the book of Amos was first composed after the kingdom of Israel’s fall, not before. However compelling the book’s ethical demands are, its author(s) goal was not to change the behavior of the prophet’s ostensible audience in the northern kingdom of Israel. The book seems to have been composed during the period after the fall of Israel, when it was already too late for Israel to change its behavior, or its fate.

The Historical Prophet

What then of the prophet Amos, the historical individual?

Some of the book’s portions could go back to a historical prophet Amos. Nevertheless, the late date of many of the passages surveyed above suggests the book as a whole is not the work of a “prophet,” i.e., a mantic diviner who functioned as such, but is a literary construct.

Our knowledge of prophecy in the ancient Near East provides further support for this understanding of the book and figure of Amos. Prophetic practices of neighboring nations appear to have been similar to the descriptions found in the books of Samuel and Kings: prophets were paid to answer specific questions asked by common folk, or, in some cases, to advise rulers.[16]

Lengthy literary critiques of a nation’s religious and social conditions, cast in the form of prophetic speech, are distinctive to the Hebrew Bible.[17] The disconnect between ancient Near Eastern prophetic practices and preserved biblical prophetic texts calls into question the image of ancient Israelite prophets delivering long, socially-critical speeches to the general public. The balance of evidence points to biblical prophecy as a distinctive literary genre,[18] rather than to Israelite prophecy as a distinctive practice.

The prophet Amos, therefore, is best understood as a character in the book of Amos. Despite his protestation that “I am not a prophet” (לֹא נָבִיא אָנֹכִי, Amos 7:14), Amos as a textual character is indeed intended to be a prophet (albeit not professionally). The text draws upon the authority of a messenger of YHWH to convey a message that its author(s) regarded as being of supreme importance. As such, the book of Amos should be read as piece of religio-political literature, in which a prophet Amos warns Israel in advance of the punishment that the audience knows has already occurred.

Amos as a “Literary-Predictive Text”

The book of Amos is not “prophecy” per se, but rather is a “literary-predictive text”[19]—a text written as prophecy to explain a historical development in terms of divine will. The book is thus both an indictment and an autopsy of fallen Israel, part of the general biblical understanding of Israel’s catastrophes as being due to the Israelites’ own religious and moral failures.

The intended audience of the book would have been the people of Judah in the aftermath of the Assyrian conquest of Israel, a combination of Israelite refugees and the native Judahite population. The book presents to the refugee component of the audience a Judahite perspective on their role in their own fall, as well as an indication of what is morally expected of them in Judah.[20] To the Judahite audience, the book declares that while wealthier Israel might have seemed favored by YHWH, Judah in fact is favored. At the same time, Judah remains vulnerable to suffering Israel’s fate if its people do not learn from Israel’s experience.

The book’s searing indictments of the kingdom of Israel probably come from resentment at Israel’s relative success compared with its southern neighbor, Judah. Israel was always wealthier than Judah, but its wealth is presented as its own undoing: Israel suffered the fate that it deserved, in the book’s view. Such an accounting of catastrophe both defended YHWH from blame for not protecting Israel, and, at the same time, empowered ancient Jews by asserting that they could control their future by their behavior.[21]

View Footnotes

Published 2021-04-22

  1. Amos’s economic critiques are discussed by Marvin Sweeney in “The Bible’s Evolving Effort to Humanize Debt Slavery,” TheTorah (2016), although I do not share his historical conclusions.

  2. All translations of the biblical text follow the NJPS version, with modifications.

  3. The Haftarah in the Sephardi tradition is Ezekiel 20:2–20.

  4. On these verses in Leviticus, see John. J. Collins, “Love Your Neighbor: How It Became the Golden Rule,” TheTorah (2020); Richard Elliott Friedman, “The Exodus, the Alien, and the Neighbor,” TheTorah (2017).

  5. Jeroboam II also appears in Amos 7:10–11.

  6. See Ido Koch, “Assyrian Deportation and Resettlement: The Story of Samaria,” TheTorah (2019).

  7. The reference here to plundered fortresses indicates that the “enemy” (צר) here is military.

  8. Indeed, the book of Amos predicts other disasters, sometimes of a stereotypical nature. Some of these are portrayed as warning signs that have already occurred, such as the series of crises in Amos 4:6–11, but in anticipation of the larger disaster yet to come. Other depictions of disaster in the book are vague, or on the spiritual level, such as the absence of YHWH’s word in Amos 8:11, described as a famine not of food but of divine communication. Nonetheless, the overall portrayal of the coming material disaster is one of military invasion and exile. Conquest and exile are also predicted in Amos 7:11, 17, but as these verses are part of the “Amaziah narrative” of Amos 7:10-17 which is probably a later addition to the book, the exile references in that narrative are probably not relevant to the question of the date of the book’s initial composition.

  9. For the full argument for the dating and purpose of the initial composition of the book of Amos as presented here, see Jason Radine, The Book of Amos in Emergent Judah, FAT II:45 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010).

  10. Calneh and Hamath appear together also in Isaiah 10:9 (here Calneh is called “Calno”), in a context that more clearly indicates that they were conquered by Assyria:

    ישׁעיה י:ט הֲלֹא כְּכַרְכְּמִישׁ כַּלְנוֹ אִם לֹא כְאַרְפַּד חֲמָת אִם לֹא כְדַמֶּשֶׂק שֹׁמְרוֹן.
    Isa 10:9 Was Calno any different from Carchemish, or Hamath from Arpad, or Samaria from Damascus?

    See this passage all the back to Isaiah 10:5 to see that these cities were victims of Assyria.

  11. The common emendation to “or is your territory larger than theirs?” is probably correct, as this makes better sense of the passage. The sense then is: are you, Israel, stronger than these other nations?

  12. See Radine, Book of Amos, 56, for full references to these records.

  13. Removing Amos 6:2 from its literary context as a later addition disrupts the poetic structure of Amos 6 as a whole. Cf. Radine, Book of Amos, 31–36. Aren Maeir attributes the historical reference of Philistine Gath in Amos 6:2 to the ninth century on the basis of evidence of a major military engagement from that time at Tell es-Sâfī, the site identified as Gath. See Aren Maeir, “The Historical Background and Dating of Amos VI 2: An Archaeological Perspective from Tell es-Sâfī- Gath,” Vetus Testamentum 54.3: 319–334. (Maeir has written many more recent works on the site, of which he is the excavator, but this cited article directly addresses Amos 6:2.) However, the pairing of Calneh and Hamath in Amos 6:2, along with their pairing in Isaiah 10:9 and in the Assyrian records, suggests that Amos 6:2 is referring to the Assyrian campaign of 738 B.C.E. This historical context should probably guide how to read the Gath reference, not the remains of what was likely a different incident than what is referred to in Amos 6:2. What looks most dramatic in the material remains at the site now does not necessarily correspond to what was of interest to the author of a work from a century after the incident that left those remains. I have explored some possibilities for the Gath reference of Amos 6:2 in a Society of Biblical Literature Annual Meeting paper in 2017 entitled “The Historical and Archaeological Background of the Book of Amos Revisited” that I plan to publish in the future.

  14. “Ashimah” here is sometimes read as “guilt,” as the NJPS translation does, but this is unlikely.

  15. For a similar condemnation of foreign astral worship in Zephaniah, see Jason Radine, “The ‘Idolatrous Priests’ in the Book of Zephaniah” in Priests and Cults in the Book of the Twelve, ed. Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer, Ancient Near Eastern Monographs 14 (Atlanta: SBL, 2016), 131–148.

  16. For example, when the prophet Samuel is asked to locate Saul’s lost donkeys (1 Sam 9) and when Samuel, Nathan, Gad and other prophets advise the kings of Israel. For an analysis of one biblical story about court prophecy, see James A. Diamond, “Discerning False Prophecy: The Story of Ahab and the Lying Spirit,” TheTorah (2020). Elijah and Elisha as miracle-working prophets are a different phenomenon from either a mantic diviner or a supposed “writing prophet.” For a discussion of prophecy in the ancient Near East and the Bible, see Jonathan Stökl, “Ancient Israelite Divination: Urim ve-Tummim, Ephod, and Prophecy,” TheTorah (2018).

  17. There were prophecies critical of rulers in Near Eastern prophetic records outside of the Bible (particularly in the documents from Mari) even occasionally on social justice issues, but these are short statements addressed to rulers and not the far lengthier and more developed, socially-critical works directed to a public audience, typical of biblical prophetic literature.

  18. Since the biblical prophetic books show evidence of significant after-the-fact expansion, if not whole-cloth composition after the events which they anticipate, it seems reasonable to take this further and say that some may be entirely or mostly the product of scribes.

  19. Term coined by Maria DeJong Ellis, “Observations on Mesopotamian Oracles and Prophetic Texts: Literary and Historiographic Considerations,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 41.2 (1989):127–186.

  20. Tania Notarius, in “Amos’ Puns in the Northern (Israelite) Dialect” (TheTorah 2016), effectively demonstrates how the use of language in the book of Amos shows how the book had Israelite refugees among its audience. She rightly avoids the assignment of the book to a northern provenance that linguistic Israelisms could suggest. She also rightly argues that the use of Israelian puns is most effective when there was still a distinct difference in dialect between the Hebrew of north and south, although where she thus dates the core of the book prior to 722/1, I date it to the near aftermath of that period, but still close enough in time that the dialects would have remained distinctive. For my argument that the books of Micah and Hosea present northern Israelite refugees as a danger to Judahite religion and survival (and for references to the debate on the existence of northern refugees in Judah), see Jason Radine, “Urban Change and the Designation ‘Israel’ in the Books of Micah and Hosea,” in Die Stadt in der Zwölfprophetenbuch, ed. Aaron Schart and Jutta Krispenz, BZAW 428 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012), 287–310.

  21. Typical of biblical literature, the book of Amos was expanded over time. Amos 1:3–2:5 portrays a regional destruction that did not occur until the Babylonian invasions of the early sixth century B.C.E., and Amos 2:4 condemns Judah for not following torah, a standard of Judahite behavior that begins around the time of the Babylonian exile. As stated above, the Amaziah narrative of Amos 7:10-17 is probably a later addition. The paradisiacal renewal in Amos 9:11–15 is commonly and rightly seen as a later addition to the book; its prediction of the restored “fallen sukkah of David” in verse 11 most likely points to the rebuilt Jerusalem temple, suggesting a date no earlier than the late sixth century B.C.E., if not later still.

Related Topics:Amos