Pharaoh and His Vassals in Canaan

Most of the Amarna letters come from lesser-status elites, such as a king of Alashia (ancient Cyprus), Assyria,^[1] and Ugarit, who refer to the pharaoh as their father (not brother), and many of whom were the pharaoh’s vassals.^[2] Around 350 of these letters— the largest group of letters discovered at Tell el-‘Amarna—come from the southern Levant, and are thus known as the “Canaanite” Letters.

Alongside the archaeological evidence from this period, scholars use the letters to reconstruct the political and economic landscape of ancient Canaan in the Late Bronze Age Period (roughly the mid-15^th-late 12^th century B.C.E.), and to fill in the gaps in the daily administration in Egypt’s eastern empire. For example, the map below presents the different sites where letters were inscribed, which includes Egyptian bases in Canaan. Scribes traveled as part of diplomatic missions to Gaza, Beth Shean, and Ṣumur and Kumidi in the north, and wrote cuneiform letters that were then sent to Egypt.

The Canaanite Amarna Letters: A Window into Egypt’s Eastern Empire

In the Amarna letters the term “Canaan” has very different use and set of political and territorial associations than in the Bible. For example, in one letter, King Abimilki (“My Father is King,” cognate to Hebrew “Abimelech”) of Tyre cites a letter from Egypt requesting news from the Levant and Cilicia (southern Turkey):^[3]

^{EA 151:49–51} The king, my lord, sent a message to us: "As for that which you hear from the land of Canaan [^KUR Ki-na-aḫ-na], send a message to me!"

Here, the term Canaan is a geographic designation. In this same letter, Abimilki responds with news, not of the southern Levant, but of regions in the northern Levant, and even in Cilicia:

^{EA 151:52–58} The king of the land of Danuna is dead, his brother {Can. rules} after him, and his land is peaceful. Fire consumed the house of the king of Ugarit; it consumed half of it, so ha<l>f of it is not there (anymore). There are no troops from the land of Hatti present.

This implies that the pharaoh used the term Canaan to refer to the Levant, and even to Syro-Anatolia more generally. Given that we know from the archaeology, contemporary texts, and the Amarna Letters themselves that the people and polities in these broader regions were very different, and even at times considered themselves to be enemies, “Canaan” is not here a cultural term, or one that designated a specific language family. Canaan here refers to the whole geographic region east of Egypt where the pharaoh enjoyed varying degrees of control.

The Canaanite Amarna Letters and Egyptian-Levantine Political Interactions

During the Amarna Period, Egypt dominated what it called Canaan. The letters suggest that the Egyptian administration used and manipulated local elites in order to accomplish the pharaoh’s objectives in the region: to control trade and fortify strategic military zones, and to extract resources and agricultural products from the region.^[4]

Scholars once believed that the chaos implied in the Amarna Letters meant that Egypt had little to no control over Canaan in the Late Bronze Age. In fact, studies of the Ramesside Period, which immediately followed the Amarna Age, reflects a more, not less, intensive period of Egyptian control. It was only with the collapse of the Late Bronze Age and the onset of the Iron Age, that Egypt lost control of Canaan entirely. Thus, the Canaanite Amarna Letters reflect a very different political landscape than that of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, Moab, Edom, and Ammon, and the cities states connected to the Philistines and the Phoenician coast, all of which emerged in the later Iron Age.^[5]

Exercising Control

The letters from the pharaoh to Levantine elites of lesser status do not have extended greetings. They tend to get to the point and outline specific tasks. A good example comes from a letter from the pharaoh addressed to Intaruta, the ruler of Akšapa,^[6] near the Mediterranean coast in the northern Jezreel.

Most of the letters discovered around Tell el-‘Amarna are incoming letters; the few outgoing letters, written from the pharaoh to elites, are thought to be drafts or copies of letters that were sent. The pharaoh is not identified by name in the Canaanite Letters, just by his titles and epithets. Therefore, scholars worked to create a relative chronology of the letters depending on the elites who sent them, and the other people, events, and cities mentioned in the letters. EA 367, written from a pharaoh to the ruler Intaruta of Akšapa, is either a draft, or a copy of a letter that was never sent. Yet for some reason, the scribes working for the pharaoh did not destroy it. The letter is important because it shows us an example of what the letters from Egypt looked like.

Letter Introduction

^{EA 367:1-5} “Speak to Intaruta, the ruler of Akšapa, thus (says) the king: Herewith he is sending this tablet to you as a command for you: “Be on guard! You should guard the king's place that is by you.”

Set of Orders

^6-21 “Herewith the king is dispatching to you Hanya, the son of Maʾiriya, the king's stable master in the land of Canaan. That which he commands to you, obey it very carefully lest the king find guilt in you (lit. get hold of guilt for you). Very carefully obey and perform every command that he speaks to you. And be on guard, be on guard! Do not be negligent! And you should prepare much food and much wine (and) everything else for the arrival of the king's regular troops. Now, he will reach you very quickly and cut off the head of the king's enemies.”

Formulaic Conclusion

^22-25 “You should know that the king is healthy like the sun in the heavens (Akk. gloss: the heavens). His troops (and) his numerous chariots are very well.”

Complaining to Pharaoh

Local elites complain of regional rivals, and even of coalitions that undermine Egypt’s power in the region.^[7] Warfare and siege took their toll on local populations. For example, Abimilki complains that Usu has been captured by Zimri-Haddu. The local people lack water, wood, and food:

^{EA 149: 49–53} Zimri-Haddu captured Usu from <his> servant; I have abandoned it, so there is no water, there is no wood for us, and there is nowhere (that) we can put the dead.

He begs the pharaoh to send troops to intervene on his behalf. In this same letter, he also complains that Tyre, his own city, is suffering. (Tyre was an island until Alexander the Great built a causeway to conquer it.) Abimilki asks for assistance from Egypt:

^{EA 149: 74-80} There has been hostility towards me [s]ince last year! There is no water, there is no wood. He (i.e., the Pharaoh) should dispatch a tablet to his servant so that may I enter and see his face. The king [should show concern] for his servant (and) for his city; he should not a[bandon] his city (and) his land.

Other Canaanite letters similarly ask the pharaoh to take a more proactive role in governance in the region, and to send them troops. A common complaint is that the pharaoh is unresponsive and that the political situation in Canaan is deteriorating because local rulers and upstarts are taking over the pharaoh’s lands.

Relationship with Egyptian Officials

The Canaanite letters also tell us about interactions between Canaanite rulers and Egyptian officials appointed by the pharaoh who worked in the Levant. Rulers often complain that the Egyptian officials are unhelpful or are siding with their enemies. However, certain letters are very deferential and suggest that key officials were more approachable or could be swayed to side with local elites.

In addition, certain sites had an important Egyptian military and administrative presence (e.g., the sites of Gaza, Beth Shean, Ṣumur, and Kumidi el-Loz). From these strategic locations, Egyptian administrators could monitor trade and keep an eye on the local populations, and even confer with them in person. Local elites tended to travel to the nearest regional based garrison.[8] It is likely that these rulers and the members of their entourage developed close working relationships with the Egyptian officials and staff stationed at these locations. A good example is that of Aziru and Tutu.

In Depth: Aziru of Amurru and Tutu of Egypt

Aziru, son of Abdi-Ashirti—a king who also corresponded with Pharaoh Akhenaten in the Amarna letters—ruled a region that spanned modern day coastal Syria and part of Lebanon called Amurru, cognate with biblical אֱמוֹרִים Amorites.

For pharaoh and his officials, the land of Amurru was the northern frontier of Egypt’s eastern territories. From the many references to ‘Abdi-aširta and his heir Aziru in other Amarna Letters (like those of Rib-Hadda of Byblos), it is clear that Amurru’s political and territorial ambitions posed a thread to regional elites. Amurru began to attack their cities and to encroach on their territories.

As a ruler in such a militarily important region, Aziru interacted frequently with Egyptian officials. He writes the following letter to Tutu, an Egyptian official, in which he uses deferential language that nearly compares Tutu to the pharaoh.

^{EA 158: 1–4} To Tutu, my lord, my father, a message from ʿAḏiri, your son, your servant. I fall at the feet of my lord. May it be well for my father.

The letter continues, referring to Tutu as “father,” a term of respect and deference generally used for the pharaoh himself. Aziru goes as far as to pledge obedience to Tutu, just as he claims to be obedient to the pharaoh:

^{EA 158: 5–13} Oh Tutu, herewith I have given the re[que]st of the king, my lord. Whatever is the request of the king, my lord, let him send a message, and I myself will give (it).

Midway through the letter, Aziru asks Tutu to speak on his behalf to the pharaoh.

^{EA 158: 14–26} [L]ook, you are my father and my lord, [and] I am your son. The lands of Amurru are your [land]s, and my house is your house. Whatever is your request, [se]nd a message to me, and I shall give [the ent]irety of your request. [L]ook, you are present before [the king,] my [lord. May it not] be that dishonest men can speak a bad [wor]d [abou]t me before [the king], my [lord. You should not permit them.

At the same time, Abimilki of Tyre, another important king (quoted above), complains of the war in his own region, referring to Aziru’s militant behavior:

^{EA 151: 59–70} Etakkama is {Egy. the magnate} of Qadesh. ʿAḏiri is at war; the war is against Biryawaza. I experienced acts of violence from Zimri-Haddu when he gathered ships (and) troops from ʿAḏiri's cities against me. Is it good that he deta[ins] a foot soldier of my lord? All are afraid. The king should turn (his attention) to his servant and return (Can. gloss: go out) to me.

EA 162 is another example of a rare outgoing Egyptian Amarna Letter that was discovered at Tell el-‘Amarna.^[9] The letter is likely from Akhenaten; the pharaoh calls out Aziru for his hostile actions and accuses him of being two-faced in his dealings with Egypt. While Aziru has assured the pharaoh of his loyalty, he has been nibbling away at the lands of Egypt’s regional allies. The pharaoh reminds Aziru of the rewards that await his loyal allies, but also of dangers of siding with Egypt’s enemies:

^{EA 162:33–41} If you do your service for the king, your lord, what is that which the king will not do for you, yourself? If because of possessions, you desire to do these things, and if you plan these things, dishonest matters, then you, together with all your family, will die by the king’s axe. Do your service for the king, your lord, so that you will live! You, yourself, know that the king does not desire that he become angry with the entire land of Canaan.

Akhenaten summons Aziru to come to Egypt. If he is unwilling, then he should send his son. Eventually, Aziru goes, during which time, Aziru’s son writes to Tutu, asking for him to advocate for Aziru and to facilitate his release:

^{EA 169:17–43} Something else: To Tutu, my lord: Hear the words of the men of the land of Nuhašše: They said to me, "As for your father, you sold him to the king of the land of Egypt for gold. So when will he dispatch him from the land of Egypt?" And all of the lands and all of the Sutuean troops spoke thus: "ʿAḏiri is not going to come out from the land of Egypt." So the Suteans are now changing allegiance from the lands, and they keep alerting me: "As for your father, he is present [i]n the land of Egypt, [so] we are going to wage war against you." [...] their men, and listen [to me, Tut]u, my lord: [Dis]patch ʿAḏiri [quickly!] [... the commi]ssioners [...] Nuhašše [...]

Aziru was eventually released but by the end of his rule, he allied himself with King Suppiluliuma I of the Hittite empire, Egypt’s rival. (See part 2.)

Tutu’s Tomb: A Portrait of an Egyptian Elite

Tutu’s tomb at Tell el-‘Amarna offers corroborating evidence of his high status and involvement in Egypt’s eastern territories. It includes a description of Tutu’s interactions with foreign elites from the Levant (ḫ3-r) and Nubia (kšj) and their scribes,^[10] asking the pharaoh to send his life-giving breath (ṯ3w), an allusion to a common refrain in the Amarna Letters:

The entire land shall quiver for you, Kharu and Kush [ḫ3-r kšj] and all the lands, their arms to you in adoration to your ka, as they pray for life in poverty, as they keep (saying): “Give us breath!” May the terror of you block the nostrils, may they swear on their prosperity. Behold! Your power is among them as a repellant(?), after your battle cry has destroyed their limbs like fire that eats wood. The rays of the Aten will rise over you forever. (from Zangani 2022, 47).

The pharaoh’s breath is a metaphor for life, but also for regular “lifegiving” contact with the pharaoh and his Egyptians administrative and military representatives.

Tutu’s tomb texts also clarify why Aziru was so invested in winning him over; he boasts of how he played a central role in Egyptian diplomacy:

I was the one who reported their words to the palace, when I was in… I came out to them on the missions of the king, carrying every instruction of His Incarnation (Zangani 2022, 48).

The Amarna Letters and other contemporary sources describe an intricate network of Egyptian representatives, like Tutu, but also of different tiers of administrative and military experts, messengers and scribes, who traveled in the region and periodically checked in with local elites on behalf of the pharaoh.